This is the story of Rose*, mother of four children. Rose is five months pregnant. In July 2022, she was raped and beaten in front of her children by three masked and armed men who entered her home by force, in the Cité Soleil district. Earlier today, Rose’s husband was killed by members of the same gang. Before leaving the premises, these same individuals burnt down his house.
This testimony is only one among many others. As a multidimensional crisis rages in Haiti, women and girls find themselves the main victims of sexual gender-based violence (SGBV). The United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) reported last month that between July 8 and July 13, 2022, at least 57 women and girls were gang raped.
Haiti is the poorest state in its hemisphere. Faced with a triple humanitarian, political and economic crisis, the context has only deteriorated. Result: the capital of Port-au-Prince has fallen into the hands of gangs, who are fighting to control the territory. According to BINUH, nearly 1.5 million residents of the big city live in an area controlled by a gang.
Women are then the prey of all kinds of sexual assaults. Indeed, these attacks allow gang members to spread fear with the ultimate goal of extending their areas of influence and establishing their power.
The prevailing climate of impunity in the country only contributes to the extent of the acts committed against civilians.
Considering that women represent more than half of the Haitian population, such violence constitutes a serious violation of their fundamental rights.
What role for Canada?
Canada introduced its first-ever National Action Plan (NAP) in 2017. Through it, the Liberal government pledged to “promote and protect the human rights of women and girls, gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls in fragile and crisis-affected states”. conflicts. (Global Affairs Canada 2022)
However, these goals quickly gave way to disenchantment. The situation in Haiti is getting worse every day – Canada is just watching.
In October 2022, the government of Port-au-Prince launched an appeal for assistance from the international community. In particular, he asked for the dispatch of a specialized armed force, a request immediately relayed by the Secretary General of the United Nations, António Guterres.
Unfortunately, it turns out that this request fell into oblivion, eliminating any chance of erecting a humanitarian corridor.
On the contrary, it would seem that the neighboring countries are playing the hot potato game, each wanting at all costs to avoid managing such a crisis.
Indeed, the United States hastened to designate Canada as the sole leader of a potential military intervention. However, in an effort not to repeat the mistakes of the past, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau recently cited the importance of adopting a new approach, thereby throwing the ball to the Caribbean states. It should be noted here that a foreign military intervention is not unanimous among the Haitian community. But then, what future for the security of this country?
To date, aid measures are rare. The Liberal government, in conjunction with Washington, has imposed economic sanctions on members of the elite who are complicit in the system in place. More recently, the Prime Minister traveled to Nassau, where he announced $10 million in new funding to protect Haitian women and children along the border shared with the Dominican Republic. It remains impossible to determine how these funds will be used on the ground.
In 2000, the United Nations adopted Resolution 1325, thereby confirming the disproportionate impact of armed conflicts on the security of women and girls. Twenty-three years later, Canada is drafting a second NAP under the UN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Programme. What about Haitian women and girls? Will Canada finally act on its promises?
* Fictitious first name