Following the legislative elections, many are wondering how to govern without an absolute majority. According to the Elysée, the President of the Republic will seek, with the party leaders of “possible constructive solutions”. However, among our neighbours, coalitions are a habit of political life with more or less success.
In Germany, a certain philosophy of compromise
Compromise is essential to govern across the Rhine. In the September 2021 legislative elections, no party obtained a majority. But Olaf Scholz, boss of the Social Democrats who came first in the race, reached out to the 2nd and 3rd, environmentalists and liberals. On paper, it was really about marrying the extremes. There were two months of difficult negotiations, but the trio finally succeeded in putting together a “traffic light” coalition and writing a common program with both the liberalization of cannabis, the construction of new wind turbines and the increase minimum wage while keeping finances under control. Perfect illustration of a certain political philosophy which consists in working together rather than opposing each other.
It is the same at the regional level, in the Länder. So this culture of compromise often leads to very moderate policies, center-right or center-left. But it is a guarantee of stability. A model that could be transposed to France if, for example, Les Républicains agreed to join the presidential majority. The difference with France is that in Germany we vote (in part) by proportional representation, and not by majority vote. This is the case in almost all European countries.
In Belgium, 653 days without government
The proportional gives more representative parliaments but majorities more difficult to achieve. And if the Germans take their time. The Belgians are breaking all records.
The country has experienced two very long periods without a government: 541 days in 2010-2011, 653 days (almost two years) in 2018-2020 and then finally a coalition with the four major political families, the “Vivaldi coalition”, as The four Seasons. This power vacuum has not paralyzed the country because Belgium is very decentralized, but this scenario is unimaginable in France.
In Sweden, majorities on a case-by-case basis
In Sweden, Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson (Social Democrat), minority in Parliament, must find majorities on a case-by-case basis for 7 months. To govern, it must seek the support – but insufficient and not automatic – of the center and, according to the files, of the left (in particular the former communists, who have assumed in recent years an increasingly clear role of opposition)the Greens or the right.
This “tripartition of politics – and the difficulty of forming majorities – now exists in France as in Sweden” Write the Dagens Nyheter, Sweden’s leading liberal daily quoted by International mail. “This political map may be here to stay”.
Italy, champion of instability
In some countries, coalitions are not always very stable. In Italy, the European champion of governmental instability, the last coalition spent three years tearing itself apart before exploding.
Miracle: for a year and a half everyone has fallen into line, the government of national unity goes from the radical left to the far right, it holds together only thanks to the personality of the leader, Mario Draghi, ex-boss of the ECB, which is not a party man and whose “mission” which has everyone in agreement: to reform Italy by spending exceptional European funds.
In Spain, a recent practice
In Spain, it’s (a little) less of a mess, but since the beginning of 2020, the socialist Pedro Sanchez has had to deal with his restless Podemos allies and a motley majority. Several times the country believed that it was going towards early legislative elections. There are haggling, backsliding, shouting, threats and concessions. But it’s good! This practice of power is still very recent after 40 years of right-left bipartisanship.
France, too, is discovering an unprecedented configuration, but our neighbors are proof of it: Sunday’s “democratic shock” can be beneficial. Immobilism is not inevitable.