It’s a puzzle that the Electoral Representation Commission must start again every decade. How can we divide Quebec into 125 constituencies while trying as much as possible to guarantee relative equality of votes for all voters and respecting natural communities?
In the end, this results in a proposed electoral map with constituencies sometimes so large that they will only allow difficult for an MP to adequately represent his constituents.
We cannot blame the Commission which worked in good faith within the framework that the law imposed on it. But we can begin to wonder if this model is still viable.
The basic standard is that a constituency must have around 50,694 voters – the total number of voters divided by 125 constituencies – with a variation of plus or minus 25%. So, roughly, between 38,000 and 63,000 voters.
But the model is increasingly difficult to apply. Six current constituencies exceed the permitted variation of 25% and eight constituencies are in the opposite situation. They do not have enough voters and therefore have a negative deviation from the norm.
If we add the constituencies that the Commission considers of concern – because they are too close to the limit, there are 25 which do not meet the standard or which will no longer meet it shortly. That means one in five deputies of the National Assembly, which is a lot.
Only one exception is provided for in the law: the Îles-de-la-Madeleine have a guaranteed seat, even if there are only 11,176 voters.
However, despite all the Commission’s efforts, five other constituencies will have too many or not enough voters and will no longer respect the standard of plus or minus 25%.
In short, they don’t really respect the law, but we can’t do otherwise.
Even in the new electoral map, the vote of a voter in the riding of René-Lévesque, on the Côte-Nord, will continue to have approximately double the weight of that of a voter in Arthabaska, in the Center- from Quebec, or from Hull, in Outaouais. This means that the elastic will continue to be stretched to the maximum.
In fact, the electoral map shows the demographic changes occurring in Quebec. This is how the island of Montreal and Gaspésie will lose a riding with the new map. Which reflects the exodus towards the suburbs in the first case and the depopulation of the region in the second. By the way, Gaspésie will also lose a seat in the new federal electoral map.
But one of the perverse effects of all this is to create constituencies which become enormous entities which can even overlap more than one administrative region and where one can reasonably wonder how the MP will be able to do his job well, whatever his good will and his desire to serve his fellow citizens.
The case of Gaspésie is obvious. The new Matane-Matapédia constituency, for example, will extend, along Route 132 from Sainte-Flavie to Rivière-la-Madeleine, a distance of 243 km.
To the south, the other constituency of Gaspésie, which will be called Gaspé-Bonaventure, will extend from L’Ascension-de-Patapédia to Grande-Vallée, more or less a five-hour drive in good weather.
We should perhaps ask ourselves whether there should not be another principle which guides the creation of the electoral map in addition to the greatest possible equality of votes for all voters.
For example, shouldn’t we think about the right of citizens to have access to their MP? Because an MP – especially, but not exclusively, outside of large centers – is at the same time an ombudsman, an industrial commissioner, a lobbyist with health or education networks, among other tasks.
Take small-town mayors, for example. Access to their MP is crucial, since he can circulate the files “in the machine” in Quebec. The larger the constituency, the more difficult it will be to meet him.
Furthermore, the law already contains an exception for the Îles-de-la-Madeleine. Wouldn’t it be time to consider others?
Thus, it has already been suggested to split the constituency of Ungava to give a seat in the National Assembly to a majority indigenous population. It would certainly be worth discussing.
Likewise, if we give too large constituencies to deputies, should we not automatically grant them budgets for more staff and more branches of the deputy’s office in the regions?
Currently, these budgets can be part of a political bargain since they are determined by the Bureau of the National Assembly, made up of representatives from all political parties.
Obviously, electoral reform will always slide to the bottom of the list, after so many other priorities. But when we look at the new electoral map proposal, we cannot help but think that we are reaching the limit of what is acceptable in terms of democratic quality.
You should think about it before you snap.