How to understand? Both the abyssal fear that torments them and the increasingly visceral hatred that animates them. How can we understand the ardor with which they defend their freedom, when we have never had to stand up – in our recent history – to protect our country? “The level of pain that Ukrainians are experiencing is unimaginable,” breathes Valentyn Ilchuk, who has been at the front since day 1 of the Russian invasion. “I would never have said that before. But today, when I kill a Russian soldier, I feel satisfaction. I don’t even hope you [dans un pays en paix] can understand. »
For a week, this resident of kyiv left the capital in the wake of the withdrawal of Russian forces to be deployed in Mykolaiv, in southern Ukraine. The Russian army is everywhere around.
“They kill, they torture, they rape. My hatred and my pain are immeasurable, loose the father joined by The duty. It has to stop. But we have no other way to stop this carnage than to kill them. »
Forgiveness is impossible, today and tomorrow, he says. “I hate when people overuse the word genocide. But when I consider the incredibly high number of civilians killed for no reason, that’s the only word that comes to mind. We get killed because we’re Ukrainians and we don’t want to be part of their empire. »
As soon as he was woken up on the night of February 24 by the sound of Russian cruise missiles falling near his home, Valentyn Ilchuk joined a group of civilians, who later became part of the forces police in the country.
“We are part of a mobile unit that does reconnaissance and diversion,” he explains. Sometimes we spend days waiting for our next mission. That’s the hardest part, sitting around watching our people get killed. »
the lawyer
For another Ukrainian who, on the battlefield, is nicknamed “the lawyer” – because of the job he held before the war – it was just as impossible to sit idly by when the war start. “I couldn’t stay away,” he explains. I had to go defend my country. »
The man – who was a reservist in the army – was first integrated into the Territorial Defense, then into the National Border Guard Service of Ukraine. The duty agreed to withhold his identity for security reasons.
“We are here at home,” he says to explain his commitment, adding that he is constantly impressed by the number of Ukrainian civilians who fight alongside the military. “In a way, we can say that Ukraine has already won. Russia’s cruel invasion united our people. »
A unity in the face of an invader that strengthened Ukrainian national identity, which had already been consolidated during the first Russian invasion in 2014 in Donbass and Crimea. “It’s impossible to break the Ukrainians,” he slips.
The volunteer
For Kostyantyn Batozsky, it is the desire to contribute to the victory of Ukraine that has led him to get involved as a volunteer since the beginning of the war. “It’s my duty,” he says. Later, I don’t want to feel like I haven’t done enough. I want to be sure I did everything I could. »
A desire to defend his country and his freedom that prevailed over fear. “I’m not the only one feeling this. The majority of Ukrainians are involved. We do it because we have no other options. »
Two weeks ago, Kostyantyn Batozsky traveled the roads of Donbass to deliver military equipment to Ukrainian troops posted in the east of the country. Civilian support was everywhere. “There are people who gave us gasoline for the vehicle, others provided us with a roof, explains the one who was previously a political analyst. If I had had a problem on the road, I knew that all I had to do was make a few calls for help. »
A strong citizen mobilization which was forged, according to him, by the tumultuous past of Ukraine. “For so many years, Ukrainians lived under a totalitarian and repressive regime, which resulted in them developing this type of horizontal cooperation. A civil mobilization that works better than the state, he says. “Civil society institutions are much stronger in Ukraine than state institutions. »
A strong social fabric
According to Viktor Konstantynov, professor at the Taras Shevchenko University in kyiv, the level of political and social commitment of Ukrainians is stronger than in the West, which could explain — at least in part — the strong mobilization of Ukrainians to defend their country.
“After the Orange Revolution of 2004, and particularly after the Dignity Revolution of 2013-2014, it became an option for Ukrainians to be part of the political management of the country, he analyzes. Many Ukrainians understood then that they could make a difference and bring about real change within the country. »
Those who today have taken up arms or are engaged as volunteers in the field are part of this movement, continues the professor. “They feel that they are responsible for the destiny of the country, that it is not just for the army to take care of it. »
Especially since corruption, which has plagued Ukrainian political life for a long time, has led the Ukrainian people over the years to distrust the political elite. “Ukrainians have a tradition of getting involved so as not to let professional politicians decide everything. »
Viktor Konstantynov believes that long before the massacres of civilians came to light, the war was already existential for the country, which helped unite Ukrainians in the resistance movement. “All Ukrainians understood that if Russia won, Ukraine would be forced to return to a system that would destroy its economic and social development. »
After nearly two months of war, Valentyn Ilchuk, like the other Ukrainians interviewed, still says he is convinced that Ukraine will emerge victorious. “The only question is knowing the price we will have to pay. And already today we know that this price is absolutely horrible. »