During his appearance on the show Everything can happen by Marie-Louise Arsenault, broadcast on ICI Radio-Canada on November 26, Éric Duhaime offered us a very sad spectacle, thus exposing the weaknesses of his personality and the values he embodies. A vain exchange, confined in a circle of childish arguments, which, despite the illusion of debate created, was certainly not one. Because truly debating requires transcending political postures designed to seduce or reassure an electoral base, and it is obvious that Duhaime participated in this interview with the intention of making an ostentatious demonstration of this.
Mme Arsenault pressed Éric Duhaime to respond to the enigma surrounding the weak support he received during the vote of confidence that took place a week earlier at his political party’s congress. The main person concerned refrained from any explanation. Without becoming the spokesperson for those who challenged him, I will present my own reason which, however, resonates with many nationalists who joined the ranks of the Conservative Party of Quebec (PCQ) in November 2021, but all of whom have since deserted.
Strategic divergences
I am familiar with Duhaime, having walked alongside him for more than two years. Among the few points of disagreement that punctuated our discussions: the supposed disappearance of the Parti Québécois (PQ) and the Liberal Party of Quebec (PLQ). I have always ardently defended the thesis of an unexpected and vigorous resurgence of the two “old” parties, while Duhaime prophesied their imminent extinction.
Éric Duhaime hates being wrong and he persists, even today, in a strategy aimed at replacing one of these two parties. I can only smile at this profound naivety. Since March 2022, I myself have anticipated the spectacular return of the PQ, and I now dare to predict, with confidence, that the PLQ will follow a similar destiny, provided that a French-speaking leader, endowed with charisma and outspoken, take the reins of this political formation.
Let’s return for a moment to the electoral strategy orchestrated by Duhaime in 2022. It seems to me that it was similar on the one hand to that of Jean-Jacques Bertrand in 1970, and on the other hand to that of Rodrigue Biron in 1976. like his predecessors, Éric Duhaime sacrificed commitment to the historic French-speaking majority in favor of a short-term vision, focused on the imminent elections, with the aim of winning a seat or two in the National Assembly.
Duhaime sought opportunism and tried to rally the vote of the protesters, regardless of the subject, as long as these groups shared a common trait: anger towards the government in place, the feeling of abandonment by other political groups, as well as a certain contempt for the “Quebec model”.
Perspectives and possibilities
The future evolution of the Quebec political scene remains subject to much conjecture. I do not claim to have the gift of prophecy, but I envisage that the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) will not return to the electoral peaks reached during the last election. The spectacular resurgence of the PQ, which will probably be confirmed by other polls, seems promised a certain durability. No, strangely enough, the PLQ, still looking for a leader, is already benefiting from this PQ rise.
As for Québec solidaire, one observation is clear: the party is still seeking expansion on the island of Montreal and is faced with the arduous task of fighting on two diametrically opposed fronts, oscillating between the metropolis and regions.
A choice therefore faces the CAQ: to continue as a nebulously federalist party, vague in its nationalism, pragmatic and with a center-left tendency, thus limiting the departure of former liberal French-speaking voters who are probably only waiting for the arrival of a leader. of quality to the PLQ to return, too, to the fold. Or return to its origins, become a right-wing centrist party again, emphasizing identity while remaining open to compromise, always pragmatic and welcoming into its ranks representatives of various political opinions.
However, it is precisely this niche that I hoped to see invested by the PCQ. It is in this spirit that the program adopted by the members in November 2021 was forged. It is regrettable that Duhaime did not persist on this path. The formula was however clear, developed from the emergence of the ADQ under Mario Dumont in the mid-1990s. Moreover, it was the identity turning point which allowed the ADQ to flourish outside the regions to become the main opposition party in 2007. This same identity dimension allowed the CAQ to attract a large electorate and take power in October 2018.
Certainly, Éric Duhaime’s PCQ could aspire to elect a few deputies on the south shore of the Quebec region and in Beauce. However, all indications point to a limited horizon, with no possibility of expansion and, certainly, no prospect of constituting one of the three main oppositions. The path taken by Duhaime seems to condemn it to never do better than fifth place: a marginal party which conveys a political philosophy foreign to strong and dominant ideologies.
In fact, Duhaime’s real goal is simply to obtain the possibility and legitimacy to be heard as leader of a party represented in the National Assembly. Although seven more years of political maneuvering could potentially lead him to achieve this unstated objective, it will only benefit himself, revealing a somewhat childish need to maintain himself on the Quebec media scene.
I remain convinced that the growth of Quebec and the advancement of a center-right ideology are not currently well served with Éric Duhaime at the helm of the most right-wing party on the political spectrum. Having had the opportunity to know him well, it seems obvious to me that it is impossible for him, for the moment, to commit to a cause beyond his own existence. However, this element should constitute a prerequisite for anyone who aspires to administer our State and guide our people towards the highest destinies.