The former editor-in-chief of The Press and former senator André Pratte, who has just joined Jean Charest’s team, had ideas to follow. After publishing his Pinocchio Syndrome. essay on lying in politicshe had continued his study of thehomo politicus in a biography titled The Charest enigmawhich focused on the Outaouais period (1984-1998) of the candidate for the leadership of the Conservative Party.
The character was obviously sympathetic to him, and he refused to see in his career a demonstration of that detestable opportunism that is also attributed to political professionals or simply the success of a smooth talker.
“Because first and foremost, Charest is a litigator,” he explained. Young, he chose criminal law to be able to convince juries. Advocating is what he has been doing since he entered politics. However, a lawyer does not choose his cases by virtue of an ideology or his convictions. He simply defends the causes entrusted to him by his clients. No need to smoke to be the tobacco manufacturers’ lawyer, no need to be convinced of the innocence of an accused person to avoid prison. So it is for Jean Charest”. The Conservatives, the Liberals, TransCanada, Huawei, more Conservatives… Bring it on!
Certainly, he had some basic principles, for example that according to which Quebecers had an interest in remaining within the Canadian federation. “The rest, whether it’s a distinct society, the deficit or gun control, all depends on the direction of the winds,” wrote his biographer. Let’s say we suspected a little.
Obviously, Mr. Charest feels that the wind is currently blowing from the west and that the customers to be satisfied are ardent supporters of the development of the oil industry. The experienced litigator that he is immediately saw the benefit he could derive from the war in Ukraine and the energy insecurity it generates.
His clients would nevertheless do well to listen carefully to his plea before signing him a check. Unlike Andrew Scheer or Erin O’Toole, he was careful not to promise to use the powers of the federal government to impose an energy corridor.
In reality, when he conditions the construction of new pipelines on “social and environmental acceptability”, he does not say anything other than François Legault, who was also in favor of the Energy East project when the CAQ was in opposition.
Of course, we will never hear Mr. Charest speak of “dirty energy”, but if the wind were to change direction once again, the man from the Rio summit may rediscover the urgency of fighting the changes climatic conditions, which he will plead with the same sincerity.
“Jean Charest is not a corrupt politician. He is, instinctively, a man of honesty and integrity. But politics has its rules, its requirements, which the ambitious man ignores only at his expense. Let’s not expect Jean Charest to reform Canadian political mores,” wrote André Pratte.
Of his years in the Mulroney government, he found very little to fault. It is regrettable that he did not follow up on The Charest enigma which would have focused on the years of power in Quebec.
“Political financing was always done in such a way, we did it in the rules, we did it honestly,” pleaded Mr. Charest this week in an interview with Mario Dumont. As proof, after having searched for nine years and questioned 300 people, the UPAC had to put an end to the Mâchurer investigation.
We must recognize one thing about the former prime minister: he can utter the worst enormities with such assurance that one would almost believe him. Finally, these business people who came to tell the Charbonneau commission that they had been made to understand that a contribution to the Liberal fund was a condition for obtaining a contract were paranoid or storytellers.
The former Minister of Transport, Julie Boulet, who had to collect her $100,000 a year, like all her colleagues, had explained it well during her appearance: if entrepreneurs jostled at her fundraising cocktails, it was simply to encourage the government to continue its good work.
It is true that the other parties also practiced illegal financing, but the Liberals were a class apart.
An audit by the Chief Electoral Officer made public in 2013 evaluated the amount raised by the QLP at $7.3 million, in particular through the use of nominees between 2006 and 2011. During the same period, the PQ had collected $2 million and the ADQ, $800,000. There were no riddles here, just facts.
Fortunately, if he becomes leader of the CCP, Mr. Charest will no longer have to worry about these sordid questions of money. Even in opposition, the Conservatives continue to win the fundraising championship. He will be able to focus all his attention on the direction of the wind.