Populism, writes the historian Pierre Rosanvallon, is a “rubber word”, because its use is so frequent and extensible that it becomes difficult to pin down. “Left-wing populism”, “right-wing populism”, “protest populism”, “conservative populism”: has the notion become an empty signifier, by dint of being used urbi et orbi? Whatever the case, populism still generates a lot of ink, while its political forms are being renewed all over the world.
Three years after founding the newspaper BackAntoine Char notes a enthusiasm for the theme of populism among his colleagues. It was then that the journalist and retired professor had the idea of creating a book on the subject, based on articles published on the Web platform: “We are not specialists, but generalists,” explains Antoine Char. We each have our own vision of populism, because it is the issue of the day, of the hour. »
Certainly, the concept fascinates journalists of all kinds, to the point that we can wonder if it is part of a media phenomenon: “Why are the media seizing this notion? Because it is chiaroscuro. My long career has allowed me to come to this conclusion: chiaroscuro attracts media attention. »
The Trump wave
By observing the evolution of the word in Dutywe observe that the number of articles on the theme of populism increases dramatically between 2015 and 2018. Its use increases from 30 articles in 2015 to 116 the following year, reaching 149 in 2017. Unsurprisingly, this curve is directly correlated with Donald Trump’s presidential campaign. Would the notion have had the same fortune without the election of the man who claimed, last month, that migrants eat cats and dogs in Springfield? Nothing is less certain.
But the popularity of populism also has to do with the arrival of social networks, adds Char: “It is obvious that social networks have disrupted the media and political ecosystems, because we then begin to break away from so-called traditional media. “Lay” sources can now speak out. THE plebisthe people, who were sometimes despised, both in politics and by certain media, now have a voice. » This is the case with a loss of complexity of the world and of knowledge, adds the author. And, consequently, a change in the regime of credulity: “As Boris Cyrulnik said, “the less knowledge we have, the more convictions we have”. » The journalist establishes a close link between the people’s distrust of political elites and the loss of confidence in traditional media: “Secular sources no longer believe in the elites. Both political and media. »
When asked whether traditional media accelerate or slow down the rise of populism, Char is undecided: “How can we explain this rise of populism despite all the media efforts to explain the flaws of this discourse? This is how we can ask the question. This is because, in my opinion, populism thrives on great uncertainties. And these great uncertainties are everywhere around us. »
The thousand faces of populism allows us to see that this distrust of elites has branched out into extra-political spheres, such as tourism, immigration, the economy and science (let us remember Didier Raoult during the COVID-19 pandemic .) Around twenty articles explore the subject, based on national and international news, covered in in-depth articles by fourteen seasoned journalists. The originality of this collective collection lies in the multiplication of points of view on the same subject and in the journalistic format, which remains very accessible.
Populism or neo-populism
Long before Donald Trump, Javier Milei, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Narendra Modī, Giorgia Meloni or Viktor Orbàn, politicians were already leaning towards populism, and this in our country, explains the professor emeritus. Let’s think of Réal Caouette (1917-1976) or Camil Samson (1935-2012), two Canadian MPs whose rhetoric appealed to the people, long before it was fashionable.
Is Canada safe from populism? No, answers Antoine Char, because the influence of the United States is very important — as evidenced by the Poilievre phenomenon. But the advantage of our political system is its multiparty system, unlike the United States, which is two-party, he recalls.
Looking for the causes that explain the rise of neo-populism is necessary, but we must also question the roots of this political strategy, which go back to the very foundations of democracy. Since the beginnings of the democratic system, the people have sought to create places to control the power in place, by establishing surveillance mechanisms. As the sociologist Gérald Bronner writes, who examined the question in Cognitive Apocalypsethe people resemble Argus, this mythological giant with a hundred eyes who sees everything and never sleeps: “If distrust of power is […] consubstantial with the history of democracy, it promotes, when record levels are reached, the attraction that demagogic speeches exert on some of our fellow citizens. »
Beyond the moral question
The epithet “populist” is still an insult, according to Char. That said, several speeches today call into question this unfavorable opinion in order to develop an “emancipatory thought” relating to populism, such as the work of the Belgian philosopher Chantal Mouffe.
Useful or harmful to democracy, populism? This is a thorny question. The definition of populism is unthinkable without going through a definition of the people. Gold, The thousand faces of populism tends to bypass this moral question to favor the journalistic approach, which, without being completely neutral, nevertheless attempts to stick to the facts.
Back has around 3000 readers per month. With the publication of this book, Char hopes to attract more people to the debate. From virtuous populism to totalitarian demagogy, the discussions are open.