will the Nordic countries, former bastions of social democracy, strengthen the ranks of the far right?

Although Sweden, Finland and Denmark have only a few seats in the European Parliament, right-wing coalitions govern them and the trend could be reflected in the European election ballot.

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The facade of the European Parliament, in Brussels (Belgium) (JEAN-MARC QUINET / MAXPPP)

Will the Nordic countries, former bastions of European social democracy, strengthen the ranks of the right and the far right in the European Parliament? Although Sweden, Finland and Denmark have only 40 MEPs, they are governed by right-wing coalitions, which are in alliance with nationalist parties, or have even adopted their ideas. The fight against immigration was also the dominant theme of the electoral campaigns for the legislative elections in these three countries last year.

The pendulum swings very far to the right today: far-right parties in Sweden and Finland won nearly 20% of the votes in the last legislative elections. The Nationalist Party governs within the coalition in Helsinki. The far right is an indispensable parliamentary ally for the conservative government in Stockholm, which has taken over absolutely everything from the anti-immigration program of the Sweden Democrats, the most influential party in the country.

The already right-wing social democrats

The social democrats have not disappeared, however, it is the opposition parties that have influence. They even came close to victory in the legislative elections in Sweden and Finland. But they were unable to form a majority either because they were let down by the liberals, or because their traditional partners, the Greens and the Left, lost too many votes.

Note that they themselves became right-wing in barely a decade. Denmark is probably the best example: the Prime Minister is a social democrat. Mette Frederiksen, leading a centrist right-left coalition, is credited with reducing the weight of the far-right party by adopting many of its ideas. The country even serves as an anti-immigration laboratory: a policy in the name of safeguarding the social system, which inspires beyond the Nordic peninsula and the social democrats.

Consequently, even if it is not for the same identity or security reasons as the right, there is a form of transpartisan Nordic consensus on restricting immigration to Europe. It is a discourse that the Nordic far right is no longer the only one to carry and therefore the parties will have to confront the Europeans on other fronts.

What campaign themes could emerge?

One of the subjects on which the left-wing forces will surely focus is saving the climate. New right-wing coalitions in Sweden and Finland have largely sidelined the issue, with Sweden even abandoning its ambitious climate target. There are therefore a lot of disappointed voters, and it is them that the social democrats, the Greens and the left will seek out.

The other question that will arise is how will the Swedish and Finnish rights manage to maintain unity with their far-right allies without having their votes siphoned off in the European elections? If immigration is no longer so much a subject of discord between them, economic protectionism is one. Addressing the subject in the European elections means taking the risk of arguing, which can be very harmful for the future of the coalition.


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