The left-wing coalition elected in 1936 ended in 1938. Although former elected representatives of this movement were able to participate in the vote of July 10, 1940, most of them were on the right of the political spectrum.
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Nearly a century after Léon Blum’s Popular Front, the main left-wing parties have joined forces within a New Popular Front in order to block the far right from the early legislative elections called by Emmanuel Macron. But already, some Internet users are mocking the title of this alliance, citing history: “What a disastrous name! It was the Popular Front which voted full powers to Pétain”assures a user on the social network A theory also put forward by Pierre Sautarel, founder of the identity site Fdesouche.
RN deputy Julien Odoul already used this argument two months ago on X: “Macron talked about the French who betrayed France during the Second World War, but he forgot to mention the socialists who voted full powers to Marshal Pétain.” So, did the victorious coalition formed in 1936 actually vote in favor of full powers for the benefit of Marshal Pétain, known for his collaboration with Nazi Germany?
After the economic boom of the 1920s, France went through several economic and political crises in the following decade. The various left-wing parties, very divided, fear a fascist coup, as in their Italian neighbor. This threat was enough to bring together the socialist Léon Blum, the communist Maurice Thorez and the centrist Edouard Daladier. The three leaders united for the legislative elections of May 1936: it was the Popular Front. They agree on a program with the slogan: “For bread, peace and freedom.” Concretely, they want to put an end to the economic crisis which is shaking the country, avoid international conflicts and defend the Republic against fascism.
This coalition won the elections on May 5, 1936, with 386 seats out of 608. The Popular Front then became the majority party, with Léon Blum at the head of the government. The jubilation was followed by a massive strike movement to put pressure on the executive. Between May and June, more than two million people took to the streets. After negotiations, on June 8, 1936, the Matignon agreements were signed and numerous social gains won. A salary increase, two weeks of paid leave per year and 40 hours of weekly work are thus introduced.
A few months later, the crisis continues. Growth is not taking off and unemployment is rising again. In 1937, Léon Blum was forced to resign. Edouard Daladier formed a new government the following year and decided to form an alliance with the parties of the right rather than those of the left. In addition to being dissatisfied with the social achievements which harm part of the middle class, the leader of the radicals fears “strikes, factory occupations and intervention in the war in Spain”explains the historian Jean Vigreux, author of the book The Popular Front (PUF ed.). Finally, the social gains obtained are little by little “unraveled” by the radicals.
“This movement only lasted four years”, explains Serge Wolikow, historian specializing in the labor movement and professor at the University of Burgundy. For him, the movement completely ended in 1938.
“During the vote for full powers on July 10, 1940, the Popular Front no longer existed as such.”
Serge Wolikow, historianat franceinfo
“The deputies no longer sat together”, he adds. It is therefore difficult for the history teacher to attribute this decision to the Popular Front. “It is not the Assembly of the Popular Front which votes full constituent powers to Pétain” confirms Jean Vigreux.
So what happened on July 10, 1940? The National Assembly, which brings together under the Third Republic the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, did vote for a constitutional law giving “all power to the government of the Republic” then led by Marshal Pétain in order to “promulgate a new Constitution of the French State”. A decision by absolute majority, with 569 votes for and 80 against, according to the Assembly website. But the elected officials who approved this vote “no longer represented the Popular Front” and voted “in their names”, underlines Serge Wolikow. And among the 80 parliamentarians who voted against, “there was a majority of former Popular Front people”assures Jean Vigreux.
That day, in Vichy, many former members of the 1936 coalition were missing. “Some were mobilized to the front or were deprived of their mandate as deputy or senator in 1939 because they were communists [Daladier a en effet interdit le PCF après la signature du pacte germano-soviétique]. Others are on a boat leaving France.”explain Jean Vigreux. Left-wing elected officials are therefore far from being in a position of strength, especially since “the Popular Front has never had a majority in the Senate, even at the beginning of the movement in 1936”recalls Serge Wolikow.
Few elected officials also suspected that Pétain would carry out a coup d’état the next day. “This vote comes after the trauma of defeat [de la Seconde Guerre mondiale]. The government, taking refuge in Vichy, is trying to find a solution. There is a maneuver by Pierre Laval [ex-président du Conseil des ministres et future figure de la collaboration] to establish Marshal Pétain as savior”recalls Jean Vigreux. “They were not aware of this future scuttling of the Republic.” On July 11, 1940, Philippe Pétain established an authoritarian regime which would lead a policy of collaboration with the Nazis until 1944.
Thus, affirm that the “Popular Front” or that the “socialists” have “gave full powers to Pétain” is a formulation misleading, according to historians consulted by franceinfo. It is “a historically and politically unfair formulation”, summarizes Serge Wolikow. Behind this allegation, often made by the extreme right, the goal is “to damage the memory of the Popular Front of the 1930s”, he judges. For his colleague Jean Vigreux, this is an argument “classic” highlighted by “all those who have tried to rehabilitate, since 1945, the memory of Marshal Pétain”.