Three reforms to circumvent the failure of the voting system

From 2018 to 2020, as advisor to the Minister of Democratic Institutions, Sonia LeBel, I was at the center of efforts aimed at reforming the voting system. Their abandonment in 2021 marked a brutal end to this reform momentum. However, this should not mean the end of all discussion.

My concerns are as follows: persistent electoral distortions, the growing gap between large cities and regions, increasing inequalities, the absence of collective projects and the short-term vision of our policies, all of which undermines our institutions. . We cannot always ignore these tensions. We will have to take care of them one day, otherwise they will end up taking care of us.

Thus, despite repeated promises, and after three attempts to adopt a compensatory mixed proportional voting system in Quebec — three failures in 20 years — we must consider other avenues. We must put aside debates on the voting method and talk about the reform of democratic institutions. Here are three ideas to consider.

Lower the voting age to 16

The history of our democracy is that of the growth of the body politic. At the beginning of the 20the century, you had to be a property owner, wealthy and educated to vote in Quebec. It was not until 1936 that these restrictions were lifted for men, who could vote from the age of 21; women will have to wait until 1940. Quebec is the last province of the federation to grant the right to vote to Aboriginal people, in 1969. But it was in 1963 that the right to vote increased to 18 years, thus allowing the baby generation -boom to vote and continue the Quiet Revolution.

Although the global standard is still 18, many countries and territories allow voting from age 16. This is the case for Scotland and Wales. Also, south of the border, a movement is taking shape in Washington State, Maryland and Oakland, in particular, where municipalities and school boards are allowing citizens aged 16 and 17 to vote.

At these ages, you can drive a car, acquire a hunting license, work, pay taxes and decide whether or not to pursue education. Let us add that the decisions that are made on public finances as well as investments in health, education and the environment concern these young people to the greatest extent. Giving them the right to vote recognizes their maturity and encourages their political engagement. Early participation in the electoral process could also contribute to forging active citizenship.

We have waited far too long to grant the right to vote to workers, tenants, women, Indigenous people and youth. Let’s not make the same mistake again.

Increase the number of deputies in the National Assembly

The relationship between citizens and elected officials is central to our parliamentary system. Many MPs and civil society actors have expressed fear that the reform of the voting system will make the work of MPs more difficult by creating larger constituencies. They are right. The territories of Quebec are vast, the populations experience different realities and the ability of deputies to represent citizens already requires enormous sacrifices.

The simplest way to improve this relationship between elected officials and citizens is to increase the number of deputies sitting in the National Assembly. In addition, the increase in the number of constituencies would reduce the risks of distortion and could be an opportunity to implement measures to promote parity and diversity within the delegation.

The addition of deputies would also protect the political weight of the regions by slowing down the transfer of seats from Gaspésie, Bas-Saint-Laurent, Côte-Nord and Nord-du-Québec to growing urban and peri-urban regions. constant for decades.

How many deputies should there be in the National Assembly? The question remains open, but let us make the following observations. There have been no additions to the National Assembly since 1989, although Quebec has two million more inhabitants today. If we had kept the same proportions, we would have 35 additional deputies, for a total of 160.

Such a number of MPs would not be unusual. South of the border, the representatives of the states of Vermont, Maine, New Hampshire and Massachusetts represent fewer citizens on average than the elected officials of Quebec.

Certainly, increasing the number of deputies involves adjustments. But a wall and a few stones must not become an obstacle to improvements in our democracy. Costs would be expected, but these are minimal on the scale of government spending. Thus, a massive increase of 75 deputies, for a total of 200 seats, could only cost a tenth of one percent of Quebec’s annual expenses.

Rethinking Elections Quebec

Élections Québec must be separated into two distinct institutions. The first must manage the operational and logistical aspects of the elections, i.e. their organization, financing, investigations and prosecutions. Its objective is to ensure the integrity of the system. The second institution must be dedicated to political education, campaigns encouraging citizens to vote and improving our democracy. In a context of apathy, disaffection with politics and a slow decline in electoral participation, dedicating an institution for these purposes seems a minimum.

It is important to separate these two functions, because they are fundamentally different missions. The first is to guarantee that everyone can exercise their right to vote freely. The second concerns communication, public affairs and public policies. When these two missions are in the same boat, the first, operational and logistical, tends to take the upper hand.

The two agents could be appointed by the National Assembly in order to ensure their impartiality and independence. The first could retain the title of chief electoral officer, while the second could be named commissioner for democratic institutions. This new commissioner could receive mandates from elected officials, conduct studies and produce reports and recommendations that he would table in the National Assembly.

We have been prisoners of the debate on voting reform for too long. As it now appears unlikely, it is necessary to incorporate new ideas into this discussion. Granting the right to vote to citizens from the age of 16, increasing the number of deputies in the National Assembly and creating a Commissioner for Democratic Institutions seem to me to be priorities.

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