(Buenos Aires) A long line forms one morning in March along an anonymous building in the popular district of Constitución, in the south of the Argentine capital.
“Every day, it’s like that. There are more and more people,” underlines Sergio Sanchez, showing us around the popular kitchen for which he is responsible.
“People start queuing at 8 a.m. They are hungry and some are sometimes ready to fight for food,” notes the Argentinian, who circulates between the steaming cauldrons sampling the daily specials.
The charitable organization “does not refuse anyone” in normal times, notes Mr. Sanchez, who is alarmed to see government aid dwindling in recent months.
Gisela, 38, came that day with her daughter Valentina and granddaughter Ema.
When she has enough money, she avoids resorting to these free food distributions, but the visits tend to multiply these days.
“Things are going from bad to worse. Everything is going up,” notes the woman, who is alarmed by the fact that the rent of the small apartment she occupies with her family increases every three months.
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A volunteer at the popular kitchen, Valeria Espindola does not hide the fact that she also experiences her share of economic difficulties.
“It’s becoming very difficult to make ends meet. I had to stop buying certain foods,” emphasizes the mother.
Inflation, which undermines the purchasing power of Argentines, and the reforms implemented since President Javier Milei came to power in mid-December, including a 50% devaluation of the peso, mean that many people are unable to buy even essential basic foodstuffs.
57%
Proportion of Argentines who lived below the poverty line of US$765 per month in January. This is the highest percentage in the last 20 years.
The government – which blames the previous administration for the importance of the crisis – maintains that the efforts required of Argentines are necessary to emerge from the current crisis and break inflation, which reached 276% for the period of 12 months ending in February.
“They better act quickly, because too many people are suffering,” says M ironically.me Espindola.
His son voted for Javier Milei. “And now he regrets it. He thought things would get better, but they didn’t,” she says.
The new president, elected with 56% of the vote in the second round of the presidential election on November 19, maintains that he has no other choice but to reduce services and radically reduce the size of the state to put the country’s economy back on track after decades of mismanagement.
He hammered home the message during the electoral campaign, notably by broadcasting a video, which went viral, in which he was seen aggressively swinging magnetic labels over his shoulder on which appeared the names of all the ministries. ” Out ! », he said each time.
Previous governments linked to the Peronist movement, named after ex-president Juan Perón, made numerous irresponsible promises to ensure the support of the working classes and massively resorted to printing money to make up for the shortfall. , favoring an explosion in prices, accuses the new president.
Before being elected deputy in 2021, Javier Milei made himself known by multiplying muscular interventions on television as an economic commentator. He transposed this habit into the political sphere by copiously insulting his detractors, evoking the existence of a corrupt “caste” favorable to the maintenance of a “socialist” ideology that he loathes.
This aversion of Mr. Milei, who defines himself as an “anarcho-libertarian”, goes hand in hand with his conviction that the State, described as a “criminal entity”, must be reduced to its simplest expression to free economic forces. from the country.
The slogan “Long live freedom, damn!” » comes up regularly in the very rich X thread of the politician, a declared admirer of former American President Donald Trump.
At a summit of conservative leaders in Washington in February, the Republican candidate for next November’s presidential election declared that Javier Milei was “MAGA” like him and that he would succeed in restoring Argentina to its former greatness.
Like many leaders of the European radical right, the Argentine president poses as defender of “the people” against a supposedly corrupt elite, and emphasizes the importance of defending law and order and traditional family values.
Unlike his Western counterparts, however, he does not pay much attention to the question of immigration, which is not a highly sensitive issue in the country.
In December, the politician tabled a comprehensive decree providing in particular for an in-depth review of labor standards – now contested in court –, rent deregulation, tax reform and measures facilitating the privatization of state companies.
He subsequently introduced an omnibus bill necessary to formalize several of the proposed measures, but faced strong opposition due to his party’s limited number of seats that forced him to backtrack on several points.
Thousands of civil service positions were nonetheless cut and major organisations, including the country’s main news agency, saw their services disrupted, sparking major protests.
Leaders of organizations benefiting from state aid are walking on eggshells and are tempted to avoid overly critical public statements “so as not to give rise to reprisals,” commented an administrator, requesting anonymity.
This intolerance of criticism worries human rights defenders, as does the fact that Mr. Milei has unsuccessfully called for exceptional powers to allow the executive to manage the country without having to be accountable to Parliament for at least two years.
“During the campaign, he never agreed to say whether he believed in democracy,” notes Paula Litvachky, director of the Centro de estudios legales y sociales (CELS).
The government’s interventions aimed at rehabilitating the soldiers who killed tens of thousands of people during the dictatorship from 1976 to 1983 are another worrying sign, notes the activist, who does not believe a return to the past is possible.
“The Argentines would not accept it,” underlines Mme Litvachky, who judges democratic institutions strong enough to withstand such an assault.
A “transparent” politician
Many of Javier Milei’s supporters believe that a purge is necessary in the political ranks to put an end to the Peronist sympathizers whom their master thinker likes to attack.
“Congress must be purified,” said Alexis Salinas, an activist who actively participated in the president’s online campaign.
The new head of state is “transparent” and “authentic” and tries, notes the young man, to do what he promised during the campaign despite the “blocking” efforts of his adversaries.
Monthly inflation fell below 10% in March and should, if the trend continues, allow the president and his party to do well in the midterm elections in 2026, says Mr. Salinas.
The evocation of the politician’s authenticity often comes up in the speeches of Javier Milei’s supporters, as does the need for the country to try a new approach to emerge from the economic slump.
Facundo Cruz, a political analyst, believes the president risks quickly losing his policy space if he fails to meet his inflation commitments and the economy falters under cuts. , increasing unemployment.
The unions, which denounce cuts in the public service, have already held a one-day strike in January as a warning and are now promising to intensify their actions by evoking a general strike.
“If he does not have convincing results on the economic level in the coming months and he loses popular support, it will become very difficult for him,” notes Mme Litvachky.