The scene was historic. Under a radiant sun, the President of the Italian Council in a pink suit welcomed the British Prime Minister in the sumptuous gardens of the Chigi Palace. Keir Starmer’s Labor government had not been elected for three months when he sought advice from his Italian colleague. The very one that only yesterday the international press delighted in calling “neofascist”.
It must be said that, as soon as he was elected, Keir Starmer had to face the most violent riots in the United Kingdom since 2011. Triggered by a simple rumor immediately denied, they spread to the main cities of the country. Although far-right agitators and disinformation played a role in these clashes, they are far from explaining the spontaneous response that this opposition to immigration encountered among many segments of the population. Two months earlier, reporting in Ireland, we had observed exactly the same uprisings in a country well known for its absence of a real far-right party.
Labor Keir Starmer seems to have understood this better than anyone. The Labor leader may be from the left, but he promised during the campaign to make the fight against illegal immigration a priority. This is why he came to seek advice from Giorgia Meloni.
Those who laughed a year ago at Italy’s failure to curb this immigration have since become disillusioned. Thanks to agreements signed with Tunisia and Libya, the country reduced it by 65%. Meloni also signed an agreement with Albania, where migrants intercepted at sea will be able to stay before their application is examined. Progress that the Labor leader described as “remarkable”. Which did not prevent Meloni – determination not excluding pragmatism – from regularizing the situation of 450,000 foreign workers to meet the economic needs of the country.
The turnaround we are witnessing in Europe on immigration clearly shows that in many countries this issue is no longer right or left. Unsolicited mass immigration is destabilizing our societies everywhere, from education systems to housing, hospitals and justice. No state can bear the brunt of such a sudden influx of new population unless it is a neoliberal state that has no social programs. Not to mention the enormous integration difficulties which vary according to the capacities of each country and the origin of the newcomers.
The Pact on Migration and Asylum voted on in April in Brussels resolved nothing since it was first and foremost motivated by electoral reasons. The people were not mistaken, as the result of the European elections showed. Whether left or right, a majority of European countries today seem ready, when it comes to immigration, to follow in the footsteps of countries as different as Hungary and Denmark. The latter, although led by social democrats, managed to reduce asylum requests by 82% thanks to repatriation and integration programs. This did not prevent it from increasing its development aid. Sweden had no choice but to follow suit since crime literally exploded with the opening of its borders. An envelope of 30,000 euros is offered to each migrant who wishes to return home.
In the Netherlands, the last elections mainly took place on this theme. The intelligence of populist leader Geert Wilders, whose popularity does not weaken, consisted of putting aside his thunderous declarations against Islam to forge alliances on immigration. The country is preparing to reestablish border control, demand its withdrawal from the European pact and adopt a law on the “asylum crisis”.
Even Germany led by the social democrat Olaf Scholz no longer seems to be an exception. Angela Merkel’s “We’re going to get there”, which accompanied the entry of 1.4 million migrants in 2015, no longer seems relevant. Since the Islamist attack in Solingen which left three dead and eight injured, Scholz has reestablished border controls and tightened certain aid to migrants. Cosmetic measures, according to its opponents, but which remain eminently symbolic for the whole of Europe, as the new French Interior Minister, Bruno Retailleau, says.
Coming from the right (Les Républicains), the latter also claims to want to “take all means” to “reduce immigration to France”, despite the opposition of President Macron. In France, 40% of immigrants of this age do not work and more than 90% of “Obligations to leave the territory” (OQTF) are not carried out. Last year, an Elabe poll revealed that 73% of French people considered migration policy too lax, including 48% of voters… of Jean-Luc Mélenchon!
Everywhere, mass immigration is fracturing societies to the point of creating a real democratic crisis. Once they have assumed their duties towards genuine refugees, people remain convinced that they have the democratic right to choose which foreigners will be able to settle on their territory and with whom they will be able to share their identity, their culture and do nation. Who could contradict them?