Parisians seemed relieved after legislative elections that knocked the National Rally (RN) out of the game, contrary to what the polls had suggested. The composition of the next government remains an enigma, however, because none of the three major political blocs won a majority of seats in the National Assembly. Having come out on top, the left has nevertheless come forward and said it is preparing to exercise power. But the prospect of seeing La France Insoumise (LFI), the party of the fiery Jean-Luc Mélenchon, enter the government raises questions — not to say concerns. Even in a city that leans more to the left like Paris.
“Mélenchon is the most extreme of extremists. He’s even more scary than the RN. If we implemented everything he promises, France, which already has a very high debt, would go bankrupt. But to be honest, I don’t really believe it. I think there are more reasonable people on the left who won’t let him govern,” says Frédérique, an advisor in a high-end design store in a nice neighborhood of Paris.
She calls on centre-left organisations, such as the Socialist Party, to take responsibility by dissociating themselves from LFI and instead allying themselves with Emmanuel Macron’s centrist bloc. This is one of the many options on the table in the wake of legislative elections that did not result in an absolute majority. Another possible scenario: the Macronists could form a government with what remains of the traditional right. They could even go so far as to create a broad coalition not only with the right, but also the centre-left, so that the next government would have an absolute majority to govern.
In neighbouring Germany, it is common for such heterogeneous coalitions to be formed, bringing together several political tendencies, but in a country as polarised as France, this way of doing things is not part of the political culture.
The shadow of Mélenchon
For the time being, the socialists and the ecologists remain united with LFI within the New Popular Front (NFP). The leaders of the three parties promise to agree by the end of next week on a name to submit to President Macron for the post of prime minister.
The current head of government, Gabriel Attal, presented his resignation to the president on Monday, but the latter refused it. Emmanuel Macron asked the young politician from his own coalition to remain prime minister “for the time being” in order to “ensure the stability of the country.”
In his speech on Sunday evening, when the results were announced, Jean-Luc Mélenchon pleaded with his usual verve for Gabriel Attal’s departure. A way for the leader of LFI to position himself as a future prime minister.
On paper, he would be a logical choice to lead an NFP government — La France Insoumise is the party with the most MPs within the left-wing alliance. But Jean-Luc Mélenchon is so divisive in France that several leading lights of the New Popular Front repeated during the campaign that the three-time presidential candidate would not be prime minister if he won.
However, it is not excluded that a member of his party could be appointed head of government. One thing is certain: ministers of a possible left-wing government would come from LFI.
Plague and Cholera
“It doesn’t worry me so much, because at least I know they won’t be in the majority. The important thing is that the National Rally didn’t win these elections. Afterwards, it’s true that we mustn’t lose sight of the fact that the far left is no better than the far right. For me, it’s like the plague or cholera,” says Henri, owner of a kosher butcher’s shop in Pletzl, the Jewish quarter of Paris.
Indeed, within the French Jewish community, the mere mention of Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s name makes many shudder. Here, many go so far as to accuse him of being anti-Semitic, something the 71-year-old politician vigorously refutes.
Following the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, La France Insoumise did not label the Islamist group as a terrorist group. Since then, LFI has made the Palestinian cause one of its favorite topics — and even the main focus of its campaign for the European elections last spring. “It’s pure opportunism to get the votes of young people [issus de l’immigration arabe] in the suburbs, who feel very concerned about what is happening in Gaza for reasons of identity. But it is an extremely dangerous game to import this subject into France, when anti-Semitism is on the rise. As Jews, we feel less and less safe,” says Hannah, who teaches in a Jewish school.
This progressive, however, voted for the New Popular Front, which was represented by a Socialist Party candidate in her constituency. She now wants the socialists and environmentalists to turn away from LFI to govern with President Macron’s centrists.
The formation of a government by the left is looming perilously. Meanwhile, in the United Kingdom, the Conservatives have just handed over power to the centre-left Labour Party in the most orderly way possible – and without anyone panicking.
On this side of the Channel, the left has the distinction of never having completely cut ties with its more radical fringe. In 1981, the socialist president François Mitterrand had appointed four ministers from the communist camp. However, the French Communist Party was then a political force that was losing ground. Today, the balance of power is no longer the same between La France insoumise and the more moderate left-wing parties.
This report was financed with the support of the Transat International Journalism Fund-
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