Informally, members of Québec solidaire (QS) who fear a “refocusing” of the party sometimes mention a risk of transforming into “NPD Québec” by aspiring to power. We are not necessarily talking here about the question of sovereignty, but rather about a fear of seeing a more traditional political culture emerge in QS, cemented around a leader supported by advisors paid to make the main strategic decisions. Certainly, this expression can evoke a concern about seeing the party shift to the center left.
That said, we rarely take the time to compare Québec solidaire not to the federal New Democratic Party (NDP), but to the provincial NDPs, which have long been parties of power throughout western Quebec. However, these are the political contexts that are closest to ours. Let’s look at some examples.
British Columbia has been governed by the New Democrats since 2017. During this period, several progressive policies have been adopted, including a significant increase in the minimum wage, measures to combat the housing crisis and to support people in poverty.
Except that after starting a pilot project on the decriminalization of hard drug consumption in January 2023, David Eby’s government is now backtracking. For what ? Because traffickers — who are still criminalized — put into circulation products that are increasingly dangerous for users, which increases overdose statistics. And also because the opioid crisis (with complex causes) makes headlines every week in the province. The official opposition has started to raise security issues, we are worried about the nice families who now rub shoulders with junkies in parks, we don’t want them “in our yard”.
In short, decriminalization continues to be the right approach, from a public health perspective. But faced with the media and political barrage, a prime minister at the head of a progressive party made the “pragmatic” calculation of backing down on one of his flagship commitments.
Second example. Rachel Notley was the NDP premier of Alberta from 2015 to 2019. During this period, Notley came into conflict several times with the federal NDP, as well as with environmental movements given her support of the Alberta oil industry and its support for the TransMountain pipeline project. However, she also put forward certain measures to diversify the economy of her province and invest in certain renewable energies.
Former Calgary mayor Naheed Nenshi is the best-known candidate to succeed Notley as leader of the Alberta NDP. He also believes that power is won at the center. Are there any Alberta progressives, members of the NDP, who oppose pipelines and would like to make a more radical green shift in their province? Of course. Except that to be a government party, the Alberta NDP chooses to keep them on the margins.
In these two examples, an observation emerges: although we come from the left, it is difficult to effectively govern on the left unless the momentum social is also on the left. If public health experts like those who advocate for more vulnerable groups had a stronger influence on the public debate, Eby would not back down. And if citizen dialogue on the climate crisis was more advanced in Alberta, we could take power there without playing into the hands of the oil companies so much.
To see the opposite scenario, let’s take a third example. Wab Kinew, also a New Democrat, has been the premier of Manitoba since last October. At the same time, he became the first prime minister from a First Nation in Canada (that’s certainly a lot of firsts). As soon as he came to power, he granted himself the title of Minister of Indigenous Reconciliation — another first. “My message is simple, and it is addressed to leaders of Indigenous governments across Manitoba,” he explained. Our government will recognize you for what you are, leaders of governments — governments just like all other levels of government across Manitoba, Canada and North America. »
The gesture may seem symbolic, but it announces a way of shaking the colonial status quo in the relationship between a province and indigenous peoples. This was a politically viable statement because reconciliation has been supported by Winnipeg, and Manitoba society more generally, in a particularly strong way for years. It is a context of true indigenous renaissance which allows Wab Kinew not only to be prime minister, but also to use his position to change things.
Let’s come back to Québec solidaire. When the ground has not been sufficiently prepared in the media and civil society, progressive ideas can be dragged by a party that aims for power as a kind of electoral ball and chain. We can think of the way in which a tax on polluting vehicles was reduced to the caricature of an “orange tax” by the opponents of Québec solidaire during the last election. Faced with such a situation, we may be tempted to “prioritize” the elements of our platform that are closer to the center. Or, we can work to evolve the social debate, to break the cult of SUVs in Quebec, to create effective climate campaigns that take us into a context where more ambitious proposals become electorally viable.
The question that arises, therefore: the momentum of the left – which almost always arise outside parliaments – how are they created? What energies, what resources are deployed to make them possible?