Since coming to power, François Legault has been constantly compared to prime ministers who preceded him.
As of October 2018, let us remember, we began to make a somewhat dubious link with Maurice Duplessis. Legault then proudly displayed his autonomist policy and was even preparing to show populism, even paternalism, which would not fail to remind us of certain traits of the “Cheuf”.
But it was truly the exit of François Legault the day after the leaders’ debate in English during the 2021 federal election campaign that awakened the most convincing memory of a former premier of Quebec. After asserting that day that “the Quebec nation is under attack”, François Legault could not help but paraphrase Robert Bourassa by establishing that “whatever we say […] whatever we do in Ottawa, Quebec is a nation free to protect its language, its values and its powers”.
The comparison with Robert Bourassa later became quite convincing. And since the beginning of the Coalition avenir Québec’s second mandate, it has even been rather redundant, because the government’s failed nationalism—mainly in terms of language and immigration—reminds you unmistakably of the bravado of the pre-1995 Liberals. , a period marked by a sympathy perhaps sincere with regard to the historical French-speaking majority, but also by a smoky and confused approach.
But what if the comparisons didn’t stop there?
On December 12, 1963, in a letter published in The dutythe writer and physician Jacques Ferron commented on the start of Jean Lesage’s second term as head of Quebec and pointed out that the Liberal Party was already reaching a plateau—despite the promise of renewal—by refusing to afford the necessary means to orchestrate the real emancipation of Quebec, one that could unfold beyond the tranquility of a “revolution” that began in 1960.
At the time, in the opposition, Daniel Johnson – who was also going to switch to ambivalence during his reign, between 1966 and 1968 – thought of opening the constitutional file, then opting for “the language of health and common sense,” according to Ferron. As for Jean Lesage, he rather struggled “like a Kafka hero” within the Constitution.
What if François Legault, after having been Maurice Duplessis and Robert Bourassa, was also in a way Jean Lesage?
Just like the prime minister at the head of the “thunder team”, Legault enjoys a remarkable popularity rating, which would most likely allow him to open the constitutional file. Like Lesage, Legault is pressed by an opposition—the Parti Québécois, in the contemporary era—which recalls the inconsistencies in keeping Quebec within Canada. And just like Lesage, Legault doesn’t have much time left. His popularity could decline as his government wears out over time and refuses to position itself more clearly in relation to the nation’s vital issues.
Moreover, regarding Jean Lesage and his heavy hesitations, Jacques Ferron wondered, in concluding his letter published 60 years ago, if the latter, faced with the destiny of Quebec, would leave to posterity “the memory of a purgatory driver”.
The debate about French and immigration is a wink in history. Since the 2021 census and the announcement of new federal immigration targets, Quebec is once again fully aware of its vulnerability within Canada.
In the coming months, François Legault will have to make a choice, but if he wants to avoid the ugly title of “purgatory driver”, he will have to reconnect with his nationalist convictions.