There are several far-right governments in the European Union. Some, like Hungary, are undermining democracy.
For the first time in the history of the Fifth Republic, the National Rally could come to power. The far-right party and its allies came out on top with 33.2% of the vote in the first round of the legislative elections on June 30. It could obtain an absolute majority of seats in the National Assembly (289) on Sunday, July 7, in the second round. This shift to the far right has already been experienced by several of our European neighbors in recent years. Hungary, Italy, Poland… Franceinfo takes a look at what these countries can teach us.
Democracy under control in Hungary
Hungary has been led by populist Prime Minister Viktor Orban since 2010. In 14 years, the head of government has reduced civil liberties and undermined the rule of law. Hungary has even become a “partial democracy”according to the 2024 State of Democracies report by the NGO Freedom House. “This is the most complete model of far-right government in the EU”summary political scientist Catherine Fieschi, specialist in European radical right.
Justice was the first victim, but all the countervailing powers were gradually subjected to the influence of Viktor Orban. Attacks on judicial independence have drawn the ire of the European Commission, which has blocked EU payments to the country in 2022 to exert pressure. Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party have also crushed press freedom, in “transforming public broadcasting into a propaganda organ” and by taking control of hundreds of national and local media outlets, via the Kesma foundation, explains Reporters Without Borders.
“Viktor Orban now has a real grip on the media and the judiciary.”
Catherine Fieschi, political scientistto franceinfo
Herald of the European far right for his defense of “the traditional family”Viktor Orban has made minorities and immigrants one of his favorite targets. The country’s parliament passed an anti-LGBT+ law in 2021, notably banning the “promotion” of homosexuality among minors. A measure strongly denounced at the time by the European executive.
The Hungarian is also frequently in conflict with the EU, not hesitating to block the decisions of the Twenty-Seven. The Orban regime is also regularly accused of embezzling European funds, which earned it a penalty of 1.5 billion euros in 2019. Three years later, MEPs adopted a report according to which Hungary was no longer a democracy, but a “hybrid regime of electoral autocracy”. “We know that it is Orban’s own family that is collecting European funds”declared French environmentalist Gwendoline Delbos-Corfield in 2022, when presenting the report. “The economy is managed like in Russia, public contracts are distributed to those who are accountable to power”confirms Catherine Fieschi.
In Poland, a difficult return of the pro-democracy camp to power
In power from 2005 to 2007, and again from 2015 to 2023, the Polish Law and Justice party (PiS) used methods similar to the Hungarian techniques to attack democracy and consolidate its power. PiS has seriously undermined the rule of law, attacking the independence of judges in 2019. The issue was the subject of a long dispute with the EU, which ended up blocking the distribution of European funds to Warsaw. As in Hungary, PiS put public broadcasting under its control by placing its men there and attacked the rights of LGBT+ people, creating “anti-LGBT+ zones” in 2021.
Unlike Hungary, “The opposition remained strong and mobilised throughout the PiS reign”notes Catherine Fieschi. Freedom House thus considered Polish democracy as “free”in its 2024 report. As proof, the victory of the coalition led by the centre-right Prime Minister, Donald Tusk, in October 2023. Not easy, however, to put back in place “which has been unravelled, especially because the country’s president remains from the PiS and opposes every change”underlines Catherine Fieschi.
Andrzej Duda, whose prerogatives are limited, has a right of veto, which the current government is not able to counter and which it uses to defend the ultraconservative positions of its camp. Especially since “PiS remains extremely powerful in the polls”warns Catherine Fieschi, and that the ruling coalition brings together parties from the right, the centre and the left, which does not make its task any easier. Reassured by the beginnings of reform of justice, the European Commission nevertheless announced in May that it was ending to the procedure targeting Warsaw on the rule of law.
In Italy, a cautious attitude internationally and a very conservative vision internally
Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni, in office since her Brothers of Italy party won in September 2022, has spent the last two years trying to reassure her European partners. The leader of the EU’s third-largest economy, whose party is an heir to fascism and who governs with Matteo Salvini’s very anti-European League, had frightened the Twenty-Seven before she came to power. But the leader has since distinguished herself by strong support for Ukraine in the face of Russia and a willingness to collaborate with Brussels. “She surprised everyone, but she understood that Italy needed the EU, especially to finance its electoral promises”decodes Catherine Fieschi.
The Italian leader “plays on two tables”the specialist qualifies: “She has one personality on the international scene and another on the national scene.” His very conservative government has thus sought to challenge the right of filiation of gay and lesbian couples and to authorise anti-abortion activists in April to access structures which carry out IVG.
“She is moving forward in disguise and I think she will not stay like that for long, including on the European scene”urges Catherine Fieschi. Georgia Meloni wants to profoundly transform Italy. A major constitutional reform is in the pipeline. If it is adopted by referendum, it would considerably strengthen the presidency of the Council, which she occupies, to the detriment of the Parliament and the President of the Italian Republic.
In Sweden, a far-right party has influence over the government
The Swedish far-right may not be at the head of any ministry, but it imposes its ideas. Coming second in the September 2022 legislative elections with more than 20% of the vote, it supports the centre-right government of Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson. While the country welcomed many refugees at the height of the European migration crisis in 2015, the far-right Sweden Democrats party capitalized on the rejection of new arrivals by a part of the population. As a result, “The government has largely taken up its proposals on the subject of immigration”points out Catherine Fieschi.
The government agreement thus provided for reducing the number of refugees accepted each year from 6,400 to 900, tightening family reunification and restricting access to Swedish citizenship. “These are still discriminatory measures”the specialist points out, while attacks by the extreme right against Muslims are increasing, explains an article in World.
In May, the government sparked controversy by pushing for a law to force civil servants to report undocumented immigrants to authorities. Some officials decried the move at the time. “of a police state”.