How to achieve decentralization | The duty

For several years, all political parties have included decentralization, in one form or another, in the list of their electoral promises.

This term is obviously equivocal: it designates both a simple relocation to the region of a central administrative service (which is technically a deconcentration), and a real delegation of state power to a new regional political entity. The first, although rare, is easy to achieve; the second, practically impossible.

Is it possible to achieve real regionalization that would allow our 17 administrative regions to have a regional government and exercise real political powers in their territory with real decision-making autonomy?

Several attempts have already been made to initiate the process, but few results have resulted. Initially, there was the creation of CRDs (Regional Development Councils), which were replaced by CRÉs (Regional Conferences of Elected Officials). These then disappeared in 2014, without anyone apparently complaining or even noticing.

Until now, it was believed that the regionalization process had to start from above, that is to say at the initiative of the central government. It was he who was to define the stages and set up the main institutions. It was even thought, as envisaged in the White Paper adopted by the Parizeau government on the eve of the 1995 referendum, that it could be done all of a sudden by establishing, from the outset, elected regional authorities, with independent fiscal power, which would be identical in each of the 17 regions.

What I propose is to proceed, on the contrary, from the base, relying on what already exists and gradually improving it. As a starting point, I suggest using the approximately one hundred RCMs (regional county municipalities) which already have jurisdiction over issues in their “region to which they belong”.

It should be noted that the MRCs have this interesting characteristic of being able to differ from each other, in terms of structures and powers, to better adapt to their own realities. Why couldn’t it be the same for the new regional authorities? Why should the regions be, from the start, all the same?

Evolutionary approach

Here’s the approach I’m suggesting. The first step would be to ensure that the prefect of the MRC, instead of being chosen by the mayors, is elected by universal suffrage of the municipal citizens. Since 2001, this has been possible for RCMs that are not part of the Montreal Metropolitan Community (CMM): already 18 RCMs have adopted this way of proceeding and their number seems to be constantly increasing.

Accelerating the trend by making this election compulsory would have a double advantage: first, it would energize each MRC by putting at its head a leader elected following an electoral campaign (therefore with a development program), and second, it would would serve as a starting point for the regionalization process.

Because, at the same time, the law would provide that, in each administrative region, the elected prefects of this region can sit within a newly constituted regional coordination council (CCR). These CCRs would first allow the RCMs to harmonize and coordinate their respective policies, thus giving them a regional perspective. In addition, the law would allow the MRCs themselves to delegate to the CCRs some of their powers and the administration of some of their policies, which would give these powers and policies a truly regional dimension.

The law should also allow the government itself to delegate to a CCR some of its powers and functions, accompanied of course by the appropriate funding. This delegation would be subject to the observance of national standards, but would not need to be general and could vary from one RAC to another. The CCRs would thus gradually become the forerunners of real regional governments. Each region choosing its own pace, we could experiment with the best ways to do things and avoid failures.

This approach would therefore be essentially evolutionary. It would allow each region to evolve at its own pace according to its reality. Regionalization, in fact, must not be imposed on the regions, but must respond to a request on their part. It is important, if regionalization is to succeed, that each region feels that its regional institutions belong to it. It is, in fact, the will and the dynamism of each region which must be the source of regional powers.

Subsequently, over the next few years, drawing inspiration from the experience acquired, it would then be possible to envisage the last stage, that of regional governments elected by universal suffrage, with autonomous fiscal powers (with equalization between the regions) and exercising extensive powers, particularly in matters of economic development, social housing, first-line health and education, as envisaged in the 1995 White Paper.

Regionalization is a long-term task. It is necessary to reduce the bureaucratic heaviness of the central state. It would harness the dynamism of each region by mobilizing its citizens and building on its strengths and pride. Finally, it would contribute to strengthening Québec by taking advantage of its diversity and deepening its democratic life, provided that measures are taken to stimulate the electoral participation of citizens.

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