The elected representatives of the four left-wing parties are returning to parliament promising to do everything possible to censure the future government. La France Insoumise even wants to dismiss the head of state. Without any assurance, for the moment, of achieving its goals.
Losing one battle, but preparing others in the hope of winning the war. This, in essence, is what is driving the left today, outraged by Emmanuel Macron’s appointment of Michel Barnier as Prime Minister.Thursday, September 5. In this fractured political landscape, reshaped by the early legislative elections, the New Popular Front failed to propel its candidate, Lucie Castets, to Matignon and must now face an executive that leans more to the right than before the dissolution of the National Assembly.
Shouting at the “coup de force” and the lack of democracy, while it represents the first force in the hemicycle, the left alliance is trying to look to the future with several objectives. The four parties first want the executive to open an extraordinary session of Parliament, before the ordinary session which begins in any case on October 1.
There are two objectives behind this request repeated since the end of August: The elected representatives of La France Insoumise could first submit a bill to repeal the pension reform. If their text is included in the agenda, they will then not have to position themselves on a proposal with similar aims, but which will be submitted this time by the National Rally during its parliamentary slot at the end of October. Since 2022, the elected representatives of the left have in fact made a point of not signing RN texts and intend to continue this strategy. For the left, this would have all the“a trap”as LFI MP Eric Coquerel acknowledged on franceinfo on Monday morning.
Above all, the New Popular Front deputies would take advantage of this extraordinary session to present a motion of censure, with the aim of bringing down the government, the heart of their strategy this fall. For the moment, however, the RN refuses to add its votes to those of the left, ensuring that it will gather the absolute majority of votes to overthrow Michel Barnier. “This government will obviously be under surveillance”however, warned Marine Le Pen The TribuneSunday.
Without an absolute majority, the fate of Michel Barnier and his future ministers is therefore not only in the hands of the NFP, with 193 deputies, but also in those of the RN, which has 142 elected representatives with its Ciottist allies. A situation that is also uncomfortable for the elected representatives of the left, but which they intend to turn to their advantage. “The motion will very clearly outline the scope of the agreement that led Michel Barnier to Matignon, to show whether there was an agreement with the RNbelieves Cyrielle Chatelain, head of the Green Party deputies. This is not so easy to assume for part of the group Together for the Republic”. “We must denounce the existence, at least implicitly, of this agreement”supports the socialist deputy Arthur Delaporte, who sees it “a moment of truth”.
Also requested by Yaël Braun-Pivet, the President of the National Assembly, the extraordinary session should not however be held, because it only opens upon decree of the President of the Republic. “The faster the government is formed, the greater the chances of having an extraordinary session. And conversely, the longer it takes, the less sense this session will have.”Yaël Braun-Pivet’s entourage believes to France Télévisions. The left, including Cyrielle Chatelain, denounces a denial of democracy.
“The extraordinary session is essential because the government is acting without parliamentary control.”
Cyrielle Chatelain, president of the Ecologist and Social groupto franceinfo
Submitted to the vote at the extraordinary session or during the ordinary session, the motion of censure could return to the table during the debates on the budget texts to be adopted before the end of the year. A sequence that the NFP is eagerly awaiting: “We will impose the maximum number of amendments, so as not to create a Macronist budget.”argues LFI MP Matthias Tavel. The government could nevertheless decide not to retain these NFP amendments, in a text that would be adopted without a vote, thanks to the use of article 49.3. “We must negotiate with the government so that amendments voted on by the National Assembly are integrated”defends Cyrielle Chatelain. Without certainty on the final content of a 2025 budget drawn up in a very tense period for public finances.
As with the pension reform in the first half of 2023, the left is also trying to mobilize in the streets. Demonstrations were held on Saturday throughout France, called in particular by La France insoumise, with a turnout was much lower than the social movement against the postponement of the legal retirement age to 64. The mobilization must continue in the coming weeks, in particular with some of the unions, on October 1, a date which coincides with the opening of the ordinary session. “The people of France are in rebellion, they have entered into revolution”declared Jean-Luc Mélenchon on Saturday in the Parisian procession, a prelude to an autumn that promises to be without respite for Emmanuel Macron.
The outcome of these citizen mobilizations remains uncertain, however. “The street is a good tool to avoid sinking into bitter disillusionment, even if hundreds of thousands of demonstrators are not going to make Emmanuel Macron back down, because he has not backed down on pensions.”tempers the socialist Arthur Delaporte.
“The real mode of action remains in the National Assembly.”
Arthur Delaporte, socialist deputyto franceinfo
As with the protests against what she called “coup de force” presidential election, La France insoumise is at the helm of the impeachment procedure targeting the head of state. “We are in a logic of all-out action”assumes the rebellious Matthias Tavel. It is nevertheless likely that this procedure will not succeed, because it is necessary to gather two thirds of the National Assembly and the Senate. However, gathering two thirds of the votes of the senators, with a right-wing majority, seems impossible. Like the motion of censure in October, the new battles of the left could all end in defeats. “We are sure to lose only the battles we do not fight”sweeps the LFI elected official.
Is the issue of these multiple actions elsewhere for the NFP? “Symbols also matter politicallysays Benjamin Lucas, spokesperson for the Ecologist and Social group. On the impeachment, it is a message of firmness delivered to the head of state. We cannot say that he insults the mobilization of the French in the legislative elections and once he whistles the end of recess, act as if he had said nothing.” The intention is clear: “They will not escape the pressure”promises Matthias Tavel.
While waiting for the next parliamentary contests, the internal functioning of the left-wing alliance is also the subject of reflection. “I call for a transformation of the NFPsays Benjamin Lucas. If we want to stand up to the government, embody an alternative to Macronism and Le Penism, be ready for the legislative elections, this requires us to think about the form. It cannot remain a coordination, it must be a massive political tool.” In the eyes of the parliamentarian, this would involve a parliamentary intergroup between the rebels, socialists, ecologists and communists, whereas each party currently has its own group. But also by the fact of “preparing for the municipal elections” 2026. A date that is still a long way off for the left, which is determined to turn the page on a return to school marked by a snub.