Concerns are rising about Herbert Kickl potentially serving as a conduit for Kremlin influence if he becomes Chancellor of Austria. This anxiety, voiced by both leftist opposition and the conservative ÖVP, stems from the FPÖ’s historical ties to Russia, including a controversial friendship agreement with United Russia. The FPÖ’s anti-EU stance and pro-Kremlin rhetoric, particularly in relation to the war in Ukraine, raise questions about Austria’s future alignment with authoritarian regimes versus its commitment to the EU and international cooperation.
Concerns Over Herbert Kickl’s Potential Influence
Is Herbert Kickl poised to become a “propaganda tool for the Kremlin” as Chancellor? The prospect of Austria morphing into Putin’s “Trojan horse” under a government that includes the FPÖ is raising alarms. These concerns are not only voiced by the left opposition but are also echoed by the conservative ÖVP, which recently made headlines by agreeing to discuss a coalition with right-wing populists.
Security Risks and Austria’s Relationship with Russia
Similar sentiments are shared among German security policymakers, who are calling for a reassessment of intelligence cooperation to prevent sensitive information from reaching Russia. Members of the Parliamentary Control Committee for intelligence services expressed these concerns to the “Handelsblatt.” This aligns with the long-standing claims made by outgoing Chancellor Karl Nehammer and the ÖVP that Herbert Kickl poses a significant security risk to Austria. But are these fears warranted?
For years, the FPÖ’s ties to Russia have been under scrutiny. The aftermath of the Ukraine invasion nearly three years ago has highlighted Austria’s past diplomatic missteps, including the infamous image of Foreign Minister Karin Kneissl dancing with Vladimir Putin at her wedding in 2018. Kneissl, nominated by the Freedom Party during Sebastian Kurz’s government, has since claimed refugee status in Russia and was recently appointed as an ambassador for the protection of the endangered Siberian tiger.
Although Kneissl is no longer an active political figure in Austria, it has emerged that her time in the Foreign Ministry included plans to create a “shadow intelligence service.” A former constitutional protector allegedly involved in this initiative was part of a network that supplied secret information to Moscow for years, beginning before the FPÖ’s government tenure and continuing afterward. This network also played a role in the dubious raid on the constitutional protection agency in 2018, which was later deemed illegal and significantly damaged Austria’s international intelligence credibility.
The ÖVP’s concerns about Kickl stem primarily from this scandal. Yet, the FPÖ’s connections to Russia extend beyond personal misdeeds. In late 2016, after Crimea’s illegal annexation, the FPÖ signed a friendship agreement with United Russia, Putin’s political party. The then-leader, Heinz-Christian Strache, even documented this trip to Moscow on social media, showcasing the cozy relationship.
In light of the ongoing war in Ukraine, the FPÖ’s agreement has become contentious. It remains unclear if it is still in effect, as it was initially set for five years and purportedly extended without formal acknowledgment. Both parties assert that the agreement has never been actively utilized, and the FPÖ has not disclosed the document, which is reportedly no longer available.
While Kickl was a significant figure in the FPÖ during this period, there is no evidence that the party received funding from Moscow. His focus appears to be on domestic issues, with seasoned EU parliamentarian Harald Vilimsky managing international relations.
Despite this, Kickl’s rhetoric is decidedly pro-Kremlin. The FPÖ opposes sanctions against Russia and advocates for cutting support to Ukraine, claiming the EU is waging war. During a 2023 address by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Austrian Parliament, FPÖ members walked out, displaying signs advocating for peace and neutrality instead.
The British publication “Economist” warns of a potential “Putinization” of Central Europe if Kickl assumes the Chancellorship. Countries like Hungary and Slovakia already have leaders aligned with the Kremlin, and post-election, the Czech Republic may follow suit with populist Andrej Babis leading in the polls.
Orban has consistently obstructed or weakened European sanctions against Russia, and with Kickl as Chancellor, he could gain a crucial ally, especially as their parties are united in the new EU-skeptical faction called Patriots for Europe. This faction advocates for a reduction of the EU to an economic union, emphasizing more sovereignty for member states.
The FPÖ’s vision includes creating a “Fortress Austria” and openly discussing the possibility of an “Öxit.” Their election program suggests a review of all international treaties, which could pose a significant risk to Austria’s economy. According to a Bertelsmann Foundation study, Austria is one of the largest beneficiaries of the EU’s internal market.
The ÖVP is unlikely to support an anti-European direction, given its identity as a European party and its history of providing all Austrian EU commissioners since joining the union. Straying from this path could fracture the conservative alliance.
Christian Stocker, the designated party leader of the ÖVP, recently emphasized their commitment to avoiding dependency on any nation, particularly Russia. He advocates for a stronger, unified Europe instead of isolation. However, the ÖVP finds itself in a precarious position, having failed to form a coalition without the FPÖ and facing declining poll numbers.
There is a possibility that Kickl may yield to the ÖVP’s demands, potentially allowing them to control the Foreign Ministry, which often goes to the junior coalition partner, signaling a reassuring message to Brussels.
The upcoming negotiations will likely center around foreign and security policy, highlighting whether Austria intends to remain a reliable EU partner or align itself with authoritarian regimes. The mere emergence of these questions indicates the complexities of the potential partnership between the ÖVP and FPÖ, a situation that has historically been clear-cut in Austria’s Second Republic.