But how do others do it? The day after the second round of the legislative elections called by Emmanuel Macron, no absolute majority emerged from the ballot boxes, leaving the political class in suspense. How to govern when three blocs and a few small groups share the hemicycle of the National Assembly? The answer is not to be found in the history books: France has never experienced such a situation under the Fifth Republic.
To understand the issues, franceinfo therefore turned to our European neighbors who experience, on a daily basis, minority governments or large coalitions.
France has a good example of consultative democracy just across the Rhine. In Germany, theThe culture of discussion and compromise is fertile ground for government coalitions. Traditionally, theThe party that comes out on top in the general election is thus looking for allies to gain a comfortable majority. It does not have much choice in the matter, because the complex German voting system has only once resulted in an absolute majority for a party. “The use of proportional representation creates a diversity of parties represented [au Parlement] and de facto forces them to collaborate”summarizes Jeanette Süss, researcher at the Committee for the Study of Franco-German Relations at the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri).
These coalitions bring together “from center-right to center-left parties”automatically excluding more radical formations, the researcher emphasizes. Since 2021, theThe Social Democratic Party SPD, Alliance 90/The Greens and the PLiberal Democratic Party (FDP) run the country as a three-party coalition, led by Chancellor Olaf Scholz, head of the SPD. A coalition known as “in traffic light”because of the colors representing each formation.
Before working together, the parties sign a coalition contract, which outlines the broad political directions that will be taken in the medium and long term. The current contract provides for example the exit of coal for the production of electricity by 2030 or the legalization of the consumption of cannabis. Although 177 pages long, The document did not anticipate the 2025 budget, which was the crux of the matter. After intense negotiations that lasted several months, the party leaders finally managed to reach an agreement on July 5, thus saving a coalition that would have had difficulty recovering from a failure on the budget.
In Sweden, a coalition agreement has also been binding the conservatives, the Christian Democrats and the liberals since 2022, with the support in Parliament of the Sweden Democrats (SD), the far-right party. Called the “Tidö agreement”, the contract largely takes up the ideas of this party, which weighs heavily on Swedish political life without occupying any ministry. The text provides for thus reducing the number of refugees received each year from 6,400 to 900, tightening family reunification and restricting access to Swedish citizenship.
“On a daily basis, the four parties work closely together on the legislative agenda.”
Nicholas Aylott, political scientist at Södertörn Universityto franceinfo
To ensure the stability of this fragile assembly, A committee composed of senior officials from each political persuasion serves as a platform for negotiation and preparation of texts, which must then be voted on. A system that does not prevent tensions: the revelation, in March, of the existence of “troll factories” on social networks, directed by SD with a view to destabilizing other parties, including those of the ruling coalition, has largely weakened the alliance.
Even more acrobatic than the Swedish quadripartism is the Belgian coalition. Our neighbour saw the birth, in 2020, of an alliance of seven parties, led by former Prime Minister Alexander De Croo and nicknamed the “Vivaldi coalition”. The complex institutional system of the kingdom, between administrative mille-feuille and full proportional representation in Parliament, makes it sensitive to the winds of instability, giving it a reputation as an ungovernable country. To the point of having experienced long periods without a government: 16 months, for example, after the 2019 legislative elections. A slowness assumed by Belgium, which, in the meantime, entrusts the outgoing government with the care of day-to-day affairs. King Philippe, for his part, takes on the role of arbitrator during the latency period and can appoint a “mine clearer” to prevent the explosion.
To avoid blockages, Italy, which is also experiencing great parliamentary instability, has put in place safeguards. During thefailure to form a coalition or during a period of economic crisisthe President of the Republic can appoint a “technical government”. The Boot has experienced some four since World War II. “VSGovernments are made up of technicians, sectoral experts who are called upon to carry out a mission. provisional when it is found that coalitions are not feasible”explains Jean-Pierre Darnis, professor of Italian civilization at the University French Riviera.
“The goal [du gouvernement technique] is to neutralize the partisan dimension of a government.”
Jean-Pierre Darnis, professor of Italian civilization at the Côte d’Azur Universityto franceinfo
He can then undertake major reforms that would be difficult to adopt within a partisan coalition framework.The latest technical government to date was that of the economist Mario Draghiresponsible for getting the country out of the crisis linked to the Covid-19 epidemic, from February 2021 to October 2022.
More broadly, since the attempt at bipolarization of the Italian political system initiated by Silvio Berlusconi in 1994, Italian governments have always been coalition governments, led by strong leaders. Currently, it is Giorgia Meloni who governs with her far-right party Fratelli d’Italia, allied with the League and the right-wing party Forza Italia.
Across the Mediterranean, Spain has more recently discovered coalition government. The country’s traditional two-party system has been shaken by the emergence of new political parties, particularly from civil society, which have reshuffled the cards. In 2019, the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) allied itself with the emerging radical left party Podemos to govern, a first since the end of the Franco dictatorship.
“The coalitions have completely changed Spanish political life. There are now many concessions, sometimes badly received by voters”explains Maria Elisa Alonso, a political scientist at the University of Lorraine and a specialist in Spain. To obtain the support ofCatalan regionalist parties, and not having to cede power to the right, the socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has agreed to pass an amnesty law for the organizers of the 2017 referendum on Catalan independence, who are being prosecuted by the courts. An extremely sensitive subject in the Iberian Peninsula.
Faced with the risk of instability resulting from the absence of an absolute majority in France, the head of the Macronist list in the last European elections, Valérie Hayer, called, in the columns of West Francehas ““take inspiration from what we do in the European Parliament”. The proper functioning of the institution is based on a culture of compromise, which “transcends parties”adds Patrick Martin-Genier, a lecturer at Sciences Po and specialist in European issues.
But the French parties must be willing to sit down around a table. Jean-Luc Mélenchon, Olivier Faure and Laurent Wauquiez quickly dismissed the idea of going beyond their political families, as early as Sunday evening. A situation that hardly surprises Thierry Chopin, political scientist and special advisor to the Jacques-Delors Institute.
“Acceptance of compromise is not characteristic of our political culture.”
Thierry Chopin, special advisor to the Jacques-Delors Instituteto franceinfo
“Faced with the absence of a stable majority and the parliamentarization of political life, our political class is not prepared”deplores the political scientist. “Compromise, an essential factor in a coalition, appears in France as a form of compromise.”