If we stick to official statements, a universe separates Quebec and Ottawa on the subject of immigration. On the one hand, François Legault displays closure. On the other, Justin Trudeau opens his arms wide.
But by dissecting the positions, a more nuanced portrait emerges. In recent months, Ottawa has been caught up with reality and is moving a little closer to Quebec.
Not so long ago, Mr. Trudeau stuck to his usual moral discourse. For him, the very concept of “carrying capacity” was suspect. Any limits on immigration flirted with intolerance. But he can no longer deny the facts. The rapid and significant increase in immigration is accentuating the housing crisis. The number of non-permanent residents also worsens the shortage of teachers and health care.
Another indisputable fact: Quebec is doing more than its share of efforts. It hosts more than a third of the country’s asylum seekers, which exceeds its demographic weight.
In recent months, the federal government has therefore revised its position.
He recognizes that the reception capacity is not unlimited.
He does not deny the pressure on public services.
He agrees with requiring temporary workers to know French.
And finally, he agrees to better distribute asylum seekers geographically in the country, voluntarily of course. He created a committee with the provinces which will present its recommendations by the fall.
Mr. Trudeau has changed little from his official speech. But in his actions, he is slowly getting closer to Quebec’s demands.
In the case of Mr. Legault, it is the opposite.
To put pressure on the federal government, he is raising his voice, at the risk of committing excesses. For example, he argues that “100%” of the housing crisis comes from immigrants, while it also results from rising interest rates, bureaucracy and disinvestment in social housing.
But Mr. Legault is less firm on substance than on form.
This is particularly true for the number of immigrants. For permanent candidates, after a drop in 2018, it restored the volume to the usual level. As for temporary workers, they have increased from 160,000 to 560,000 since he came to power. And it’s not entirely because of the federal government – Quebec manages at least a third of these candidates.
In principle, the CAQ government wants to reduce the number of temporary immigrants. But he prefers not to do it himself.
There are two main categories of programs.
Quebec controls that of workers with a closed permit. These individuals come at the invitation of an employer in a sector with a labor shortage.
The other program, that of international mobility (PMI), is managed by the federal government. It’s a catch-all that includes many groups, including workers with an open permit who can change employers without losing their right of residence.
Mr. Legault would prefer that the federal government make cuts in the PMI to reduce temporary immigration. To this, Mr. Trudeau responds: if you insist on reducing the number of temporary residents, show us your plan first…
Despite this disagreement, the Liberal leader is no longer opposed to the principle of a reduction. A change that is not trivial.
As for language, Mr. Legault has already acted.
Last November, it announced that temporary workers with a closed permit will be required to display level 4 oral proficiency – enough to carry on a conversation. However, this will only be verified when their license is renewed. And exemptions are provided, particularly for agricultural workers.
Quebec would like the federal government to impose the same requirement for the other temporary worker program, the one managed by the federal government. Mr. Trudeau is now open to it.
For asylum seekers, it is more complicated.
Responsibility lies entirely with the federal government. Quebec is confined to the role of beggar. But at least his grievances are now recognized.
The federal government has reinstated visas for Mexicans. They now need this document to stay in the country. This instantly reduced their numbers.
The majority of asylum seekers in Quebec now come from India. The CAQ Minister of Immigration, Christine Fréchette, is calling for tightening the granting of visas in order to reduce the number of applicants. She would like a 50% reduction.
This is impossible to guarantee. The federal government controls the means, but not the results. Even if it can make the process less easy, it must respect international law.
However, Quebec and Ottawa recognize that the requests take too long to process. This is true on two levels. The federal government is taking too long to grant work permits to applicants. And he also delays examining their file to decide whether he grants them refugee status, and therefore permanent residence leading to citizenship.
For Quebec, it’s frustrating. Because it is the province that pays them social assistance while waiting to receive the permit allowing them to work.
Marc Miller, federal Minister of Immigration, promises to reduce the delay. It remains to be seen whether he will tame his bureaucracy. But at least he recognizes the problem.
Finally, there remains the debate on the check to compensate Quebec. Here, disagreement is normal. Two levels of government are negotiating in their financial interests.
I do not want to erase the obvious differences between MM. Legault and Trudeau. Their opinions on immigration are very contrasting. This is noticeable for a particular category: family reunification, where spouses, for example, rejoin their family. Quebec is delaying the files and the federal government is stamping its foot and demanding more humanity.
Prime ministers exaggerate their disagreement in front of the cameras to please their respective electorates. But the gap is smaller than they claim, and it continues to narrow.