Algeria has not turned the page on Hirak to the chagrin of the authorities. The Egyptian regime is as oppressive as ever. No elections in Libya, governance crisis in Tunisia, military and hereditary succession in Chad, two putschs in one year in Mali, new coup d’état in the chaotic history of Guinea, another in Sudan which puts an end to an unprecedented revolutionary momentum, authoritarian drift in Rwanda, war against the jihadists in Mozambique and just war in Ethiopia. Not to mention terrorism in the Sahel and the usual areas of tension known on the continent, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo. All in all, in terms of the rule of law, the signals have turned red in many African countries in 2021, a little more than in previous years. Interview with Gilles Yabi, founder of the West African citizen think tank, Wathi.
Franceinfo Africa: coups d’état, conflicts and authoritarian abuses have accumulated in an exceptional way this year. Can we conclude that 2021 is characterized by a democratic decline in Africa?
Gilles Yabi: there is indeed a deterioration in the ranking of many African countries with regard to indicators measuring democratic development. In terms of democratic retreat, there is a global trend that can also be seen on the African continent. However, I will be more nuanced on the fact that these specific coups d’état are indicative of the regression we are talking about. Rather, there is a decline in the countries which seemed to be the most committed to this path of democratization and respect for freedoms. In West Africa, a region that I know best, I will speak for example of Benin where all the indicators show a rapid deterioration. The same can be said, but not to the same extent, of Senegal and Ghana. The countries where there have been coups – Mali, Guinea and Sudan on the other side – have particular political trajectories. These are not countries where democracy has been installed for years. Apart from perhaps Mali, which was seen as a democratic model until the 2012 crisis, the others have experienced many military regimes.
If we are talking about democracy, the rule of law and freedom, we must also take into account, because it is not the same thing, the situation in terms of security and stability. We do have signals that are rather worrying in many countries, especially in those experiencing a very degraded security situation, such as in the Sahel. In Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, the situation has been very worrying for the past five years and 2021 has not been better compared to previous ones. This year has confirmed the absence of a solution to a continuing crisis and the feeling of powerlessness of states. Just as she confirmed that a crisis is never confined to the territories of origin and the spillover of the Sahelian crisis on the coastal countries that we feared is occurring with more recurring attacks, even if they are of small scale, in Ivory Coast and Benin. Further afield, in Mozambique and Ethiopia, armed groups clash. It should be noted that whenever the security situation is degraded, there is an impact on democracy and freedoms since this can justify restrictions and allow opportunistic regimes to use the argument of insecurity to lock down the economy. public and political space.
Different situations but always the same observation. Namely that of States unable to guarantee the most basic rights of Africans, which is the case, in principle, in a democracy …
First, we must take into account the diversity of situations : there are 54 countries in Africa. Among them, there are still some who more or less maintain their democratic standards. Then, in Africa as elsewhere, States have their history. It should be remembered that the old democracies have not always been democracies and that they have also known extremely brutal periods. It was not that long ago that we saw the development of the United States under Donald Trump. We must keep this in mind so as not to have a kind of African particularism.
Let us not forget either that we are talking about young countries which, for the oldest, are 60-70 years old as independent States within their current borders. Obviously, their societies existed before but their political trajectory was completely modified and upset by the colonial period. So, when we talk about democracy, we must also talk about the building of states which, from this point of view, show many signs of powerlessness and that concerns me as much as the question of democracy. The latter cannot be isolated from that of the economic and social progress of societies, the question of security and the strengthening of States in their role of protection. A country is also at peace because there is an economy which occupies the people, the young people. When you have that, you are less likely that any armed groups can easily recruit. It is very important to reflect on the fact that democracy is also maintained by the progress that we make in all other areas. And that’s why you have to be realistic because you don’t miraculously transform such difficult situations..
Can’t the terrorist threat and jihadist groups on the continent lead African leaders to tackle the lingering instability in their countries?
It is certain that today, it is the moment or never to recover because certain countries are threatened by a form of dislocation. There is an emergency when States control only half of their territory, or even less because the other part is controlled by armed groups. You no longer have any control over the populations who live there and the latter may not wish for the return of a State, either which has never been there, or which has never been perceived as benevolent but rather as a racketeering force. Today, we need a change strong enough to give at least the feeling that the rulers and the political elites have understood that one could not abandon whole sections of the population without public service, without improving living conditions for decades. In the countryside of Sahelian countries, when there are some, you see the same dilapidated roads for 20-30 years. There is no change in the dwellings, nor in the tools of production. And when the security situation gets complicated, it becomes difficult to do what we should have done 20 years ago.
Are there any exceptions that can serve as models in this gloomy general picture?
Over time, Botswana bears witness to what results from a mode of political and economic governance where, for example, part of a state’s resources are put at the service of education, health and capital. human. This country has done so with the diamond industry which has been put at the service of economic diversification, education and training. All of this has enabled Botswana, since its independence, to maintain its political stability and improve the living conditions of its populations, who benefit from a functioning health and education system. Even if from time to time there are tensions on the political level as in recent years.
There is also Cape Verde. One could object that it is a small country but that is not why it works. It is also because there is a fairly collegial mode of governance and a simplicity in the way of considering the exercise of power. There is a different relationship between the political elites and the populations: one can easily meet and discuss with the President and the Prime Minister.
I am also thinking of Rwanda, which in many areas is celebrated, but we must be measured on its progress, because it remains a poor country despite a certain dynamic in and around the capital. In the functioning of the administration and public agencies, for example, there are things to take in the Rwandan model characterized by an authoritarian regime. In short, we should not look for a model but we must go and see in each country what works better than elsewhere and learn from it.