Fentanyl and crime cast a shadow over Colombia’s ‘Miracle of Medellin’ success

Comuna 13 and other historically violent neighborhoods in Medellín have seen significant improvements in recent years, a process hailed by many, including the World Bank, as the “Medellín Miracle.” This progress has led to increased tourism, investment, stability, and, most importantly, peace. Neighborhoods like La América, which from the 1960s to the 2000s saw daily murders, now see their monthly homicide totals remain in the single digits. At the municipal level, homicides have gone from “unacceptably high,” according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, to one of the safest cities in Latin America.

The introduction of services, a strengthened police presence and greater state involvement have played a crucial role in this transformation, with significant funding coming from international development organisations and foreign governments, including Canada.

The “Medellín Miracle,” however, is in trouble. Despite its successes, it coexists with another, less visible, side of the story. Medellín’s crime world is becoming increasingly complex, with a growing security challenge that threatens to undermine the city’s laborious progress.

La Candelaria, a central and historic neighborhood in Medellín, illustrates the ongoing challenges. The neighborhood, just a ten-minute walk from the famous Plaza Botero, presents a stark contrast to the city’s famous landmarks. Rundown hotels, homelessness, drug addiction, and barefoot recyclers fill the streets, while tourists have all but disappeared.

Many hostels and restaurants that opened after the tourist boom of the early 2010s have now closed. One hotel owner turned taxi driver says that “the city has stopped caring [d’eux] And [que] the money went elsewhere.” I saw another hostel owner tell a tourist in English that it was “safe” outside, before insisting, in Spanish, that a security guard accompany the tourist to do his shopping.

Data questioned

Interviewed a few weeks ago on Caracol, a national television channel, the head of the Antioquia Ministry of Health could not provide updated statistics on drug use and overdoses in La Candelaria and the surrounding area, stating that they “don’t follow up.”[aient] not these data.” The Colombian National Police and the Ministry of Justice, in collaboration with international law enforcement agencies, closely monitor drug gangs and homicides in Medellin, but the city does not report the statistics. Suddenly, the city’s touted statistics on drugs and criminal violence are being called into question.

Media and NGO reports of opioid trafficking and use support La Candelaria’s concerned residents, but the city continues to deny these reports.

Reports from independent organizations, such as InSight Crime, and investigative journalists have found that drug flows have increased in many areas, including the city center. The state, while entering Comuna 13 and other previously unserved areas, has largely vacated La Candelaria and other newly violent areas, leaving them under the control of gangs.

It’s a well-kept secret among locals, but they quickly become defensive about their city. Understandably, locals want to shake off the reputation of a “narco haven,” but it has to be done through better public policy, not just a change in perception.

The city’s selective improvement strategy has led to gentrification in areas like Comuna 13. Tourists are guided to the “good” parts of the city while being kept away from the “bad” ones. As a result, neglected areas receive little to no public funding, tourism, or police presence. This leads to a deterioration of conditions in these areas, as problems are simply displaced rather than solved.

There may be political tensions at play, as Medellin and the department of Antioquia are run by right-wing governments, while the national government is led by the leftist of former guerrilla Gustavo Petro. Petro’s government and his Justice Ministry have themselves reported cases of fentanyl abuse and trafficking in Medellin and have strongly denounced the drug gangs operating freely in the city.

Illegal groups include the Tren de Aragua, a drug cartel originating in Venezuela that uses brutal tactics to take control of major drug production and distribution centers in major cities such as Bogotá, Medellín, and Cúcuta. The presence of paramilitary groups, called the self-defensealso persists.

These paramilitary groups were created in Medellin partly with the help of conservative and anti-communist militarist governments to confront leftist guerrillas and drug gangs. They have now, according to statistics from the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), become the largest purveyors of drugs and violence in Medellin and throughout the country.

Still significant challenges

The locals told me that the leaders of the self-defense now live in Medellin, claiming that the authorities know this but refuse to oppose it for ideological, security and financial reasons.

Álvaro Uribe, who was governor of Antioquia before becoming president, himself allegedly worked closely with paramilitaries, leading to thousands of deaths, now-declassified U.S. intelligence documents revealed in 2020. Uribe remains a revered figure in Medellín and Antioquia. A group of locals, playing chess while drinking Águila beers, proudly told me: “He kept the country safe and chased away the cartels and the guerrillas. Sometimes you have to fight violence with violence.”

As several experts on Colombian organized crime, including those at InSight Crime, report, one of the fundamental problems shaping the city is that Medellin, the richest city in Colombia, continues to be financed, in large part, by illegal money. This creates a financial incentive for the city not to solve the problem. Without this illegal money, urban development in Medellin would be greatly reduced.

Although Medellín has made remarkable progress in some areas, the city still faces significant challenges. Ironically, many shantytowns are now safer options for tourists than central neighborhoods. While La Candelaria was almost entirely empty when I visited, the communities Buenos Aires and San Javier are now experiencing a tourist boom.

The selective approach to social transformation and persistent security challenges underscore the need for a more comprehensive and inclusive strategy. Addressing these issues honestly is crucial to the city’s long-term stability and success, ensuring that the “Medellín Miracle” benefits all residents, not just those in the highlighted areas.

To see in video

source site-43