Doing the autopsy of a defeat while having the courage to look things in the face is never an easy exercise for a political party. The temptation is great to take refuge in denial or to look for a scapegoat.
For three of the four opposition parties in the National Assembly, there was a ready-made explanation. The malfunctioning of the voting system deprived Québec solidaire, the Parti Québécois and the Conservative Party of Québec of fair representation.
The results of the October 3 election have once again demonstrated the urgency of a reform, which has become all the more necessary since the arrival of a fifth party has further accentuated the negative effects of the single-member majority system. one turn.
Even if a new Léger poll indicates that a majority of Quebecers are in favor of reform, it is clear that Premier Legault will persist in reneging on the commitment he made in 2018.
Certainly, the pressure must be maintained, but the parties must prepare for the 2026 election on the assumption that the current rules will always be in force. They can only hope for a better fate by improving what they can control.
Beyond the vicissitudes of the voting system, QS and the PQ obtained less good results than in 2018, both in percentage and in absolute number of votes. Granted, the PCQ took a big slice of the pie, but when QS or PQ voters were asked what their second choice was, the PCQ came dead last.
Given practically for dead at the start of the campaign, the PQ woke up the day after the election almost surprised to still be there. This is not likely to encourage introspection, but faith is not always enough to ensure the survival of a political party.
Without the disaster withdrawal of the QS candidate in Camille-Laurin, the remarkable campaign led by Paul St-Pierre Plamondon would have remained a footnote. His refusal to take the oath to the new king is undoubtedly the faithful reflection of his sovereignist convictions, but it also reflects his desire to use all possible means to keep the spotlight on his party.
The surprise of his election and the activism he demonstrates should not, however, obscure the reality: refocusing the PQ’s discourse on independence and the fight for the survival of the French did not have the effect of bringing back to the fold the sovereignists who had moved to the CAQ in 2018. Their number may have even grown.
The supportive co-spokespersons struggled not to succumb to the temptation of denial. Manon Massé said she was “so proud” that QS had “resisted the wave” of the caquiste, while Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois was delighted that he was the only opposition party to see his deputation increase, admitting all the same that the gains were not “ideal”.
The deputy for Laurier-Dorion, Andrés Fontecilla, fortunately set the record straight, acknowledging from the outset that he had been “very disappointed” with the results. Without saying openly that the QS program may have scared off voters, he said the proposed tax hikes could have been “better explained.”
“Basically, it’s a question of values for QS, and that won’t change. On how we are going to want to solve this problem, we have four years to build our next electoral platform, ”commented Mr. Nadeau-Dubois.
All the challenge of QS is there. How to remain firm on the principles while being flexible and reassuring on the terms? In short, how to reconcile the demands of the militant base and the desires of the electorate? This question has been at the center of debates within the PQ for decades and has brought it to the brink of collapse more than once.
In the Liberal Party of Quebec, the knives came out even faster than we would have thought. The series of interviews conducted by a colleague from The Canadian Press with former Liberal MPs and ministers, defeated candidates and long-time activists announces the worst for Dominique Anglade. We do not forgive the defeat to the PLQ, but former defeated leaders, Claude Ryan or Daniel Johnson, had not seen their leadership questioned with such speed.
It is undoubtedly true that M.me Anglade “doesn’t get a grip” with French-speaking voters, and even with members of the PLQ, as declared by a former deputy and as also thought by those who had tried to oppose him Alexandre Cusson during the leadership race. But who could seriously claim that Philippe Couillard “punched”? Without the raised fist of Pierre Karl Péladeau, in 2014, his reign might have been even shorter than that of the current leader.
Denial and scapegoating often go hand in hand. Mme Anglade is probably not the woman for the job, but the demobilization and the intellectual vacuity of the PLQ are well before his arrival, and they could well survive him.