The Rada has not been idle since the beginning of the Russian invasion. Despite martial law, parliamentarians must adopt many texts, at the cost of a new organization.
“I was woken up at 5 a.m. by these words: ‘the invasion has begun’. Probably one of the worst phrases in the world.” Ukrainian opposition MP Oleksiy Hontcharenko will remember “all his life” February 24, 2022, the day Russia invaded Ukraine. The evening before, the Ukrainian Parliament had debated the possible establishment of martial law in the east of the country, already disputed by Moscow. The debates had been tense and the deputy was far from imagining that a few hours later, all the political life of the country was going to switch.
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First there was “fear and the need to check that loved ones were okay”, remembers MP Kira Rudyk, the leader of the pro-European opposition party Holos (“Voice”). Passed the stupor, it was necessary to act. The elected members of the Ukrainian Parliament, the Rada, are the only ones who can declare martial law and the mobilization of Ukrainians. No question of voting online, despite the bombs falling on the Ukrainian capital: the country’s Constitution only allows a vote on these subjects in person.
Tunnels to access the hemicycle
Very quickly, in the morning, the mobile phones of the deputies begin to heat up. “There were constant explosions and we didn’t know how many people would be able to make it to Parliament”, says Kira Rudyk. The security risks are immense. The monumental Soviet building that houses the Rada is right in the center of the city and is a prime target for the Russian army. “After refusing, our security service finally authorized us to go into the hemicycle, in secret, through tunnels”relates the MP, who remembers “empty corridors of Parliament, plunged into darkness”adding to “dramatic” of the situation.
Next to “273 out of 423 elected” are present, according to Oleksiy Hontcharenko. Then follow “ten minutes where we desperately press our buttons, to vote for the necessary provisions, but also to call on the support of the whole world”says Kira Rudyk.
“MPs were even armed to defend the heart of democracy from the invader. We will never forget that moment.”
Oleksiy Hontcharenko, Ukrainian opposition MPat franceinfo
“It was very symbolic and it allowed us to show that democracy and Parliament continued to function, despite the invasion”, explains Yevheniia Kravchuk, deputy of Servant of the people, the majority party of President Volodymyr Zelensky. No bomb falls on the building and the deputies can leave it, safe and sound.
Delayed broadcast of parliamentary sessions
Since that day of February 24, parliamentary work has not ceased. It even tended to accelerate. “Despite martial law, the president cannot put in place many measures without the agreement of Parliament”, details Oleksandr Marusiak, expert at the kyiv Center for Policy and Legal Reform. “The deputies notably voted for the extension of martial law, mobilization issues or the appointment of army officials and members of the government.”
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A large part of the work of Ukrainian elected officials now concerns the adoption of reforms as part of their country’s candidacy for membership of the European Union (EU). Very quickly, after the start of the war, the country and its parliamentarians endeavored to show that it had firmly set its course west. Last June, the European Commission thus asked Kiev to achieve seven objectives in order to be able to open negotiations, on subjects ranging from corruption to economic reforms, via freedom of the press. A contract completed in December, had entrusted to Euroactiv President of the Ukrainian Parliament, Ruslan Stefanchuk. This speed “would have been difficult to imagine on this subject before the war”notes Oleksiy Hontcharenko, so much the question of the EU divided Ukrainian politicians.
“Our heroes on the front line have chosen the EU by shedding their blood and we must fulfill our obligations.”
Oleksiy Hontcharenko, Ukrainian opposition MPat franceinfo
This intense parliamentary work required an adjustment of the practices of the deputies, in particular as regards security. Even if the front seems frozen in the east of the country, missiles still fall regularly on kyiv. “We no longer announce the dates of the sessions publicly, they are not broadcast live on the internet, but broadcast later, and the press is not allowed to attend”, explains Yevheniia Kravchuk. Members are asked not to disseminate this information, “even if some do it anyway” sighs the chosen one.
The parliamentarians have also reduced their physical presence time in the hemicycle, with two-day sessions, scheduled once or twice a month. More than 40 sessions have taken place since the beginning of the conflict, according to the count of the NGO Chesno (link in Ukrainian), which campaigns for transparency in politics. The writing of texts, the discussion of amendments and the search for common positions in committee take place “mostly online”specifies the member of the majority.
Arrive at “consensus” to show a united front
Beyond organizational issues, the conflict has also upset the political dynamics within Parliament. “Before the war, Volodymyr Zelensky’s party sometimes had trouble getting laws passed, despite its absolute majority”, recalls Sarah Whitmore, a researcher at Brookes University in Oxford and a specialist in the Ukrainian Parliament. Now MPs, including opposition MPs, almost always vote with the government. “The parliamentary forces, despite ideological differences, have consolidated to oppose the aggressor”justifies Oleksiy Hontcharenko.
The debates did not disappear however, “but we take the time to discuss in committee to reach a consensus”says Yevheniia Kravchuk, who adds that “some negotiations take longer than others”. Oleksandr Marusiak cites as an example the adoption of laws reforming the judicial system, “which took a long time”, evidence of intense discussions behind the scenes. We are far from the time of repeated fights in the hemicycle.
Many Ukrainians welcome this new atmosphere. While “People’s confidence in the Rada was extremely low before the war, it has risen significantly in opinion polls”notes Sarah Whitmore. “Most Ukrainians expected their MPs to flee in case of Russian invasion, but it didn’t happen”adds the researcher.
“In a sense, the absence of cameras has allowed Ukrainian politics to calm down, MPs no longer play a role for the media and have become less populist.”
Sarah Whitmore, Ukrainian Parliament Specialistat franceinfo
However, the persistence of the conflict and the new functioning are of concern to some observers. Several pro-Russian deputies still sit in the Rada, despite the dissolution of their parties in June by President Zelensky. “The deputies fear the presence of these elected officials in the meetingsrelates Sarah Whitmore. One of them is accused of treason and two others have left their post, but this calls into question the seriousness of the institution.”
“Opacity creates fertile ground for corruption”
Beyond MPs, the lack of transparency worries civil society. “The decision not to broadcast the meetings is justified by the war, but it affects the possibility for the public to block decisions which may concern, for example, the reconstruction of Ukraine”summarizes Oleksandr Salizhenko, parliamentary analyst for the NGO Chesno. “This opacity creates fertile ground for corruption, even if Ukraine has made giant strides on this issue”, adds Sarah Whitmore. A concern that the Ukrainian deputies interviewed by franceinfo do not share. “It is natural that democracy suffers in times of war, it cannot be otherwise”respond Oleksiy Honcharenko. But we have to preserve it and restore it completely after our victory.”
This question of “after” does not yet occupy the minds of all Ukrainian parliamentarians.
“We only plan things for the next two to three weeks. Until recently we weren’t looking beyond two days, so thinking further…”
Kira Rudyk, Ukrainian opposition MPat franceinfo
Elections, presidential and legislative, were scheduled for next year, the term of Parliament expiring in August 2024. But they cannot be organized as long as the country is at war. If the mandate of the deputies were to last longer, this would present “a risk of loss of legitimacy”dreads Sarah Whitmore.
“We are bound for a longer period than we had imaginedanswers Kira Rudyk. But we understand that we will need a new Parliament after the war, to push forward new ideas and tackle reconstruction.” No way for Yevheniia Kravchuk to put the cart before the horse. The MP believes that “Ukraine must first win and liberate its territory” because she “don’t imagine elections without Mariupol”. And even if the war ended tomorrow, it would not be possible to immediately organize elections: “A third of the country is covered with mines and many buildings housing polling stations, such as high schools, have been destroyed”she recalls.