Became leader of the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) six months ago, Pierre Poilievre has operated the metamorphosis that his troops expected of him. The tone has softened (a little). Attacks have been tempered (moderately). The polls even put the CCP in a good position. But Mr. Poilievre should also learn from some recent blunders. Because its notoriety and popularity ratings still need to be improved, including with conservatives.
Mr. Poilievre has been busy since September 10 to get rid of his old clothes as a feisty and surly aspiring leader. He tries to present himself more as a prosecutor than as a “pit bull” in the Commons. After having shunned the press conferences, he devotes himself to it again (although by limiting the number of questions to which he answers).
Mr. Poilievre, however, has not neglected the themes that allowed him to be elected to lead his party: the economy, inflation and the cost of living. Which seems to pay off, for now. The Conservative Party would enjoy a slight lead over the Liberal Party across Canada, according to recent polls. And a majority of voters believe that it is the training of Pierre Poilievre that is most concerned about the financial issues that worry them. Conversely, a majority believe that the Liberals are not paying enough attention to the rising cost of living (72%), housing prices (70%), or economic growth or deficit reduction (52%) , revealed the firm Abacus this winter.
A third undecided
If Canadians know that Pierre Poilievre is hounding the government in this way, a third of them, on the other hand, have still not made up their minds about him: 11% say they do not know him enough and 22% say they are neutral about his regard, indicates the president of Abacus, David Coletto, to the Duty.
That’s 33% of citizens who could lean one way or the other. Because the chef arouses a positive impression among 30% of Canadians, but negative among 36%, again according to Abacus.
The conservatives see in this third of undecided a potential for growth. But others recognize that these are all respondents who also need to be reassured, because the leader still suffers from the image projected during the leadership race. Even citizens with an assumed conservative leaning, who still hesitate watching him go, according to our information.
Mr. Poilievre has his style, and none of the curators consulted want to take it away from him. “On the other side, he must reassure people and show them that he can be a responsible prime minister,” says an influential conservative, who did not want to speak openly.
Deputy Gérard Deltell judges that the leader has demonstrated “a change in his attitude” by showing himself “more aware of the responsibility he now has”.
But some behind the scenes still see room for improvement. In particular with regard to the verbal swellings in which the leader indulges, which could repel voters.
Hyperboles and liberties
Pierre Poilievre’s tape plays on repeat: “everything is broken” in Canada, it’s all Justin Trudeau’s fault, and only the CCP can “bring common sense back”. Until then, the Conservatives support the speech. Except the chef can’t help pushing it further at times.
He repeats tirelessly that cash-strapped Canadians are rushing to food banks to ask for medical assistance in dying. Only one case has been reported by the media.
He also accused Justin Trudeau of treachery in the Chinese regime’s election interference file, arguing that the prime minister was working “against the interests of his own country and his own people”.
“There is a risk in rhetoric in the extreme,” says Rodolphe Husny, a former CCP strategist. “Pierre Poilievre must be careful not to be too partisan, to prevent voters from dropping out,” he suggests to his former colleagues, who, behind the scenes, are quite in agreement.
“You have to be careful not to cross the line of credibility,” adds Yan Plante, who was also a strategist for Stephen Harper’s government. Especially since these hyperboles come to drown the political message of the party, adds Mr. Husny.
The Conservatives may argue that voters are only concerned about their pranks during the election campaign, but repeated exaggeration can nevertheless leave traces in the minds of citizens.
Ditto for the behavior of some of their colleagues.
Three Ontario elected officials had dinner with Christine Anderson, MEP member of the Alternative for Germany party (suspected of being a far-right group). Pierre Poilievre condemned the meeting in writing, but never orally. The leader did not discipline the three MPs either, including Leslyn Lewis, a former leadership candidate who sits in the front row of the Conservative benches, very close to Mr. Poilievre.
Again, the unease is palpable among some conservatives, who hope that such an incident will not happen again.
Yan Plante believes, however, that by not sanctioning the deputies, Mr. Poilievre precisely leaves the door open for the same or others to reoffend. Which “would be critical”, notes the ex-strategist.
And that would do nothing to reassure conservatives cooled by the leadership race. “It is not only the personal convictions of Pierre Poilievre which are at stake, it is also those of those who are with him in the party”, recalls Rodolphe Husny.
Pierre Poilievre was careful to publicly dissociate himself from the personality he took on to win and from the fringe of the Conservative Party he courted to do so. But this naturalness that he tries to veil, in him and in some of his supporters, cannot help but come back at a gallop. He will need to watch him more closely if he is to succeed in broadening his electoral base beyond the existing core.