Sophie Brochu and Pierre Fitzgibbon: Enough “elastic” ethics at the CAQ

Would Premier François Legault agree to offer, on behalf of a private company belonging to, let’s say, his spouse, training (master class) that would be sold to companies and state corporations?

Answer to this highly hypothetical question: absolutely not! The head of the CAQ government knows full well that this would raise controversy and the appearance of a conflict of interest.

So why does he not require senior executives of crown corporations to exercise the same caution when it comes to good governance?

This would have saved the president of Hydro-Québec, Sophie Brochu, whom he himself appointed to this prestigious position, from getting his feet wet with L’effet A by the company Médias O’Dandy, where her spouse, John Gallagher, is the majority shareholder.

  • Listen to Michel Girard’s economic editorial broadcast live every day at 7:50 a.m. at QUB-radio :

Brochu Masterclass

Recall of facts. My colleague Francis Halin reported this week that the CEO of Hydro-Québec, Sophie Brochu, had volunteered, on behalf of her husband’s private firm, a training course (master class) for businesswomen, which to the latter sales of nearly $50,000.

This is the training school L’Effet A, which belongs to Médias O’Dandy, whose majority shareholder is John Gallagher, the spouse of Mr.me Leaflet.

Course title: 30 days with Sophie Brochu. Price: $695.

“Designed to help women regain a sense of clarity about what drives them, the L’Effect A 30 days with Sophie Brochu: refocusing to see far is an intensive training that allows them to project themselves into the rest of their career thanks to a solid knowledge of themselves.

About this master class of Mme Brochu, ethics experts consulted by my colleague Halin are critical.

“If her spouse’s firm was able to benefit directly or indirectly from this, it was Sophie Brochu’s mistake,” says Robert Pouliot, teacher at ESG-UQAM.

And according to Ivan Tchotourian, professor of law at Laval University and specialist in governance: “It might have taken an extra degree of caution.”

Never mind, Hydro-Québec affirms that their president and CEO has nothing to reproach herself for since the decisions concerning the “file” of L’Effet A training are taken by the president of the board of directors of L’Effet A. ‘Hydro, Jacinthe Side.

  • Listen to Michel Girard’s economic editorial broadcast live every day at 7:50 a.m. at QUB-radio :

Fitzgibbon’s lack of transparency

It is beyond me to see François Legault show such great tolerance in the face of the lack of transparency of his minister with multiple ministerial tentacles, Pierre Fitzgibbon: Minister of the Economy, Innovation and Energy, Minister responsible for Regional Economic Development and Minister responsible for the Metropolis and the Montreal region.

For a year that the case has been dragging on, how is it that Prime Minister Legault never forced his powerful minister Fitzgibbon to reveal the names of the 10 companies for which he intervened on their behalf when these companies did not respond to the eligibility criteria for loans granted by Investissement Québec under the concerted temporary action program for businesses (PACTE)?

It was the Auditor General of Quebec, Guylaine Leclerc, who revealed this “secret” intervention by Minister Fitzgibbon within the framework of the PACTE.

Motus and tight mouths among the bonzes of the Ministry of the Economy and Investissement Québec.

All these beautiful people are hiding behind the following excuse: Minister Fitzgibbon has done nothing wrong because, according to a clause in the PACTE’s internal management guide, the minister “may authorize aid to companies which not meet all the eligibility criteria” of this $2.5 billion program.

Oh yes! So why neither Minister Fitzgibbon, nor the members of his Ministry of Economy, Innovation and Energy, nor the management of Investissement Québec took the trouble to publicly communicate the existence of this ” clause of the internal guide” which gave companies the possibility of requesting the intervention of the Minister if they did not meet the eligibility criteria?

In addition, does François Legault find it normal that his powerful Minister Fitzgibbon and the leaders of his Ministry of the Economy and Investissement Québec do not issue any press release on the 50 million dollars of investments made in the company LMPG? (Lumenpulse), where one of the shareholders and current member of the board of directors of LMPG, Michel Ringuet, acted as an agent of the blind trust of Minister Fitzgibbon?

As a lack of transparency, it’s hard to beat, especially when you consider that Fitzgibbon was himself an administrator of Lumenpulse from 2013 to 2017.

And in addition to this information, my colleague Sylvain Larocque revealed this week that Quebec invested in 2020 and 2021 nearly $150 million in six companies co-owned by a firm of Michel Ringuet while the latter was an agent of the Minister’s trust of the Economy, Pierre Fitzgibbon.

In politics, the best way to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest is to focus on transparency.

With the opening of a 5e investigation by the Commissioner of Ethics and Professional Conduct announced on Friday, this time concerning Pierre Fitzgibbon’s links with the Lumenpulse company, François Legault will have no choice but to demand more transparency from his superminister.


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