Governing is a difficult art. The problems are complex, the actors numerous, the trade-offs difficult. Error lurks at every turn. Indulgence is needed when the failures are minor. But there are times when structural decisions are needed, promised, and then abandoned. We then enter the realm of the inexcusable. Here are some cases.
Aplaventrist towards physicians Faced with the scandalous nature of the increase in the income of specialists under the Liberal government, everyone had understood that a CAQ government was going to subtract a billion dollars a year from their remuneration. The late Claude Castonguay also insisted that the management of their own revenue envelope be taken away from the medical unions, an indefensible situation. The fact that doctors, taking advantage of a state monopoly, could also incorporate to pay less tax was denounced from all sides. François Legault, however, gave in. To the point that, at the time of the surrender, the then president of the specialists’ union exclaimed: “this is the best day of my mandate”. You can not make that up. The bottom line here is that the Prime Minister squandered the greatest balance of power ever established in Quebec to reframe doctors’ salaries. Thanks to him, they escaped unscathed.
Air Canada Employee of the Year for four years Mr. Legault was known for his participation in the creation of Air Transat, whose existence broke Air Canada’s monopoly for destinations in the South and Europe. Before the pandemic, the decision of Air Transat shareholders to pocket millions by selling itself to Air Canada should have knocked it off its hinges. The transaction would reduce competition and increase costs. Instead of opposing it, he on the contrary praised it. Fortunately, Quebecers were able to count on Europe to refuse this purchase. On domestic flights, Air Canada imposes a 30% surcharge on the prices of its similar routes in Ontario. Rather than act to break its quasi-monopoly, the CAQ has imagined an absurd subsidy program (the $500 tickets) which reinforces the superprofits and the dominant position of Air Canada.
Timorous in the face of NAFTA and GAFAM The Prime Minister presents himself as an economic nationalist. However, he seems unaware of the balance of power he can and must exercise on behalf of Quebec. When the new NAFTA was negotiated with the United States and Mexico, the steel sector was privileged, but not the aluminum one. We understand that François Legault feels tiny in front of the American president. But he is not against Justin Trudeau. Refusing to fight, he hastened to support NAFTA despite its unfairness to Quebec aluminum and without even demanding federal compensation, as for milk. The Bloc Québécois showed more backbone by extracting a written commitment from Ottawa to demand the same treatment as for steel if the aluminum situation deteriorated. The Premier of Quebec showed the same weakness by not supporting the taxation of 3% of the profits of GAFAM at the time of the OECD negotiations on this subject. With this attitude, Quebec would never have led the way by taxing Netflix.
Flip-flop on the reform of the ballot He had promised, signed, reiterated his commitment to a leaders’ debate, then threw the reform into the dustbin of history, in time for his party to demonstrate, in the election next October, that the system is unfair, giving it a completely disproportionate number of seats.
In love with partisan appointments In opposition, the CAQ was fierce, especially when the Liberals appointed to a key public service position a figure who had distinguished himself only for his role in the PLQ, such as the organizer Pietro Perrino, promoted to associate secretary general. . Mr. Legault literally copied and pasted what he denounced by appointing Stéphane Le Bouyonnec, former president of the CAQ, as associate secretary general.
Innovative in ethical apologies In opposition, François Legault and his deputy Éric Caire were intractable in the face of any suspicion of lack of ethics from the Liberal ministers. But when the Ethics Commissioner demonstrated that Minister Pierre Fitzgibbon was in violation, we attended a surreal press conference. Mr. Legault admitted the violation, but argued that it was the fault of the code, which was not adequate. His minister was therefore right to be an outlaw. The Liberals never thought of using this argument.
Stubborn about 4-year-old kindergartens Voters appreciate the CAQ’s ability to recognize certain errors and correct the situation. She did the opposite in the management of 4-year-old kindergartens for all. There is nothing to demonstrate that kindergarten is superior to CPEs for the awakening of 4-year-old children. However, the estimated costs of building and operating the program now amount to 653% and 361% of the initial estimate, and 70% of the children enrolled were already in a daycare service. It is a costly failure diverting colossal sums that schools — and child care centers — badly need. The same can be said of the seniors’ homes (whose bill per place amounts to 208% of the amount planned) and of the third link, for which no study justifying the construction exists.
Deserter on October History has it that François Legault was Prime Minister at the time of the 50e anniversary of the events of October 1970. Many of the 500 Quebecers unjustly detained at the time are still with us. In Ottawa, Justin Trudeau had signaled that he would consider a public apology if Quebec and Montreal also took their real responsibility for the imprisonments. François Legault refused to rise to the occasion and engage in a dialogue that would have led to apologies from the three governments and compensation for the four-fifths of the October detainees who never received any. Disappointing. Very.
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