The recent Léger poll showing a progression of the Conservative Party of Quebec as well as the candidacy of actress Anne Casabonne for the by-election in Marie-Victorin raised several questions about the training of Éric Duhaime. It seems that the party is regaining strength with the former radio host, as also shown by the number of members who have joined this formation.
If Éric Duhaime affirms that he made the leap to the radio because he feared that Quebec would take a turn to the left, it is no longer so much the specter of a left that could take power in Quebec that motivates him today as the fight against the CAQ. According to him, François Legault would have betrayed the former ADQ members and reneged on commitments, such as that of working for the development of oil and gas, as he said in an interview with the Western Standard during his visit to Calgary last December. Thus, the PCQ seeks to revive the conservative current that runs through the history of Quebec by filling up with ADQ supporters disappointed by the CAQ orientations and all those dissatisfied with the management of the pandemic, which are starting to be rather numerous.
However, this greater presence of the PCQ also corresponds to a fundamental movement which agitates the great family of the Canadian right. Indeed, the latter is in the throes of a kind of ideological existential crisis which means that existing formations, in government or in opposition, are grappling with significant internal tensions. Consider the Erin O’Toole situation. Parties are emerging on the right side of the traditional parties, which are accused of being false conservatives. In several Canadian provinces, groups and movements that could almost be called secessionist are harshly criticizing the right-wing parties in power. For example, in Alberta, we note the reappearance of small right-wing formations (Wildrose Independence Party), although the main struggle is taking place within Jason Kenney’s party itself, even threatening its leadership.
Beyond all the considerable differences between these parties, a commonality emerges. Essentially, for these parties, the right in government is judged to be too lukewarm, cutesy, not proud enough to be on the right. It should assert itself and stop imitating, in environmental matters for example, other political parties. In the eyes of this right-wing dissidence, the traditional parties of right and left, it’s white hat, white hat. Admittedly, this dimension of rejection that is at work here has already been present in the past.
Health crisis
This right-wing sling, however, benefits from a novelty. The health crisis is freeing up an ideological space articulated around criticism of health measures, confinements and everything surrounding vaccination. However, the management of the pandemic of recent weeks provides additional fuel for the rhetoric of the PCQ, especially since many criticisms against Prime Minister Legault come from different horizons, from the right and from the left, and from scientists as well as ordinary citizens. This is a potential reservoir of criticism and recriminations that could be taken up by Éric Duhaime, who is a skilled and controversial communicator.
In addition, Éric Duhaime has two additional assets. The first is that the leader of the PCQ was able to build up his own capital of recognition thanks to the radio. Thus, Duhaime may well complain that the traditional media shun him, it does not prevent that other media give him the necessary time to express himself and reach potential voters. The second advantage is that the PCQ can concentrate its support in one or a few regions in particular. Compared to Maxime Bernier, whose speech against sanitary measures was similar, Duhaime does not have to criss-cross the countryside of the Prairie provinces to garner votes. On the contrary, he will simply have to cross the bridges from one bank to the other from Quebec to Lévis to campaign.
Finally, one might think that the ideological space mentioned above will shrink in the future, curbing the PCQ’s hopes. But assessing the repercussions of the health crisis on the evolution of ideologies remains a highly speculative exercise. With the variants and the volte-face of the CAQ government, we cannot exclude that this space is still expanding.