Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign initially sparked enthusiasm, but as the election approaches, her lack of recognition among undecided voters becomes apparent. In contrast, Donald Trump has regained ground among key demographic groups. The article discusses the overstretched American empire and the shifting geopolitical landscape, with rising powers like China and Russia filling any power vacuums left by the U.S. It suggests that America’s strategy must focus on self-interest over international interventions to avoid decline.
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When Kamala Harris announced her candidacy, she was met with a surge of enthusiasm. The old man had given up, and the race for the White House was wide open. Everything seemed possible. However, the initial magic has faded. As the election day approaches, Harris’s shortcomings become increasingly apparent. Her biggest disadvantage is her lack of recognition among undecided and relatively apolitical voters. For many Americans, her stance remains a mystery.
In contrast, everyone knows Donald Trump, for better or worse. And he has made gains among white workers in swing states, as well as among Black and Latino voters, who traditionally support the Democrats. Trump, the comeback kid? His chances look promising.
The American Empire is Overstretching Its Power
The American Empire is Overstretching Its Power
Everything the Republican says and does contributes to an outrageous yet captivating personality show. Trump, Trump, Trump: next to him, everyone else appears as mere extras. This presents a significant danger; one tends to overestimate this convention-defying self-promoter.
However, Trump is merely a symptom of epoch-making changes. The saying goes, “Men make history” – and women do too. They can only amplify what is already inherent in the era. Hitler would have remained a failed artist had he lived in a stable and prosperous Germany.
How much would a second term for the Republican transform the world? That’s the wrong question. More pertinent is how much he could accelerate the change. The geopolitical landscape is currently being reshaped, which is perceived as a series of crises.
Critics label Trump an isolationist. Instead of promoting free trade, democracy, and human rights, he champions nationalism and protectionism. This is true.
But it is not Trump who dismantles the liberal world order, that historical anomaly during which Washington established a unipolar and relatively stable framework. What began with the fall of the Berlin Wall and came to an irrevocable end with the withdrawal from Afghanistan was, for the West, a fortuitous situation.
For a single great power to imprint its stamp on an era, as America did from 1989 to 2021, is, however, an anomaly. Trump recognized this sooner and acted more decisively than previous presidents. His predecessor, Barack Obama, was no longer willing to play the world’s policeman. He reluctantly participated in the overthrow of the Libyan dictator Gaddafi and abandoned the Syrian opposition against Assad, the butcher of Damascus.
The “Responsibility to Protect,” the obligation to safeguard a people from their ruler, was the pinnacle of the liberal world order. Yet, this enormous moral claim overstretched the capabilities of the American empire. Consequently, Obama focused more on national interests and kept an eye on rival China. However, the paradigm shift remained half-hearted.
Only Trump, the Darwinist who views politics as a brutal struggle for power and wealth, embraces the present imperative without hesitation. For him, the notion of providing security for Europe at no cost is absurd. Likewise, the idea that Washington would help Ukraine achieve victory while the EU watches is equally far-fetched. Trump’s instincts align with any nation striving to manage its resources wisely.
America has not weakened. In absolute terms, it allocates more money to defense than ever before. Economically, it leaves stagnant Europe far behind. Yet, other powers have emerged as stronger rivals. Russia has overcome the collapse of the Soviet Union and is again claiming a position as a military superpower.
In a whirlwind unprecedented in world history, China has risen from a developing nation to a competitor of the USA. This is glaringly evident in the most tangible currency of power: the military. China’s navy has expanded from 216 to 370 vessels since 2005, with no end to the militarization in sight. The U.S. Navy, on the other hand, has shrunk from 1,000 ships in 1960 to just under 300 today. For the first time since the surrender of imperial Japan, the Pacific Ocean is no longer solely an American sea.
As Washington engaged in small wars on the periphery, in Iraq or Afghanistan, its defense budget temporarily climbed to 5 percent of its GDP. Today, it stands at 3 percent, similar to the peak of the peace dividend in 1999. However, crises now dominate